What does a capricorn man need in a woman 2014,free samples of business promotional items,looking for friendship melbourne - .

Published 17.09.2015 | Author : admin | Category : The Respect Principle Pdf

Description: The Lenox Globe is often referred to as the oldest extant post-Columbian globe. What is known about the provenance and acquision of this special globe by the New York Public Library was assembled by Robert W. Lenoxa€™s personal library was acquired in 1911 by the New York Public Library and in the process this small, engraved globe made of copper became one of the Librarya€™s most valuable possessions. Like Martin Behaima€™s famous large globe from 1492 (#258), the Lenox Globe still shows only one ocean between Europe and Asia.
There was no good indication as to when the little globe was made, but three prominent scholars in the late 19th century - Benjamin De Costa, Henry Harrisse and Justin Winsor a€“ addressed this perplexing issue before Joseph Fisher made his discovery of the WaldseemA?ller map in July 1901. Harrisse in his landmark work The Discovery of North America (1892) concluded that the most likely date for the Lenox Globe was 1511. Prior to Harrisse, Justin Winsor in the mid-1880s was equally perplexed concerning what to make of and how to date the Lenox Globe. The scholar who provided the first and to this day still the most in-depth analysis of the Lenox Globe was Benjamin De Costa (1831-1904). What makes De Costaa€™s scholarship in his 1879 essay so outstanding is that he is open and candid about the profound implications of dating any globe or map depicting the entire continent of South America so many years before Magellana€™s voyage of 1519-1522. This is an astonishing pattern of cartographical evidence concerning South America prior to Magellana€™s voyage in 1519. We should also observe that even before De Costa, the world famous scholar Alexander de Humboldt took seriously the proposition that there may have been more extensive exploration of South America (Portuguese in his and our view) than the conventional wisdom allowed due to the tradition, surrounding Magellana€™s famous voyage. For his part, De Costa was well aware of Cosmographiae Introductio and the small WaldseemA?ller globe gores (#310) found in the passage in the south. It is evident that the Lenox Globe must have been constructed subsequent to the discovery of the coast of South America, in 1500, by Cabral, who gave it the name Vera Cruz, which was soon changed to Terra SanctA¦ Crucis, as on this globe.
On the other hand, the almost complete lack of information betrayed by the maker of the globe concerning the east coast of North America, and the absence of the name America on South America would indicate that it antedates the map of Martin WaldseemA?ller of 1507 (#310). Because the date of this globe could be deduced mainly from its representations of America, let us give a brief resume of the condition of geographical knowledge respecting the New World for several years subsequent to 1510. In the year 1500, Juan de la Cosa, the Pilot of Columbus, drew a map of the New World (#305), but North America does not appear, Newfoundland being represented as a part of Asia. What has been said thus far applies only to North America, but, upon turning to South America, the representation has the appearance of belonging to a period later than 1511.
In order to present the subject with clearness, it will be useful to state first, that the La Cosa map of 1500 (#305) exhibited the northern coast of South America, together with the eastern coast down to about 25A° S.
On this point it may be observed that such a termination to South America was doubtless rendered probable by the argument from analogy. Sometimes the information thus derived was of great value, and it would appear that the maker of the Lenox Globe had received information of this kind.
The uncertainty of the globe-maker respecting Madagascar may be explained by the fact that it was not until 1508 that Da€™Acuhna made his exploration of the island, though it was known to Marco Polo. The SchA¶ner Globe of 1520 (#328) has an island similar in form and situation to the nameless island of the Lenox Globe, but in a reversed position, and called Madagascar.
In support of the suggestion that the Madagascar and Certina of the globe are simply Sumatra and Java misplaced, we may cite the fact that the well-known islands of Sumatra and Java do not appear in their places, while the Malayan peninsula, labeled on the globe as Loac, is extended so far south as to confuse the geography of the whole region.
It is true that one of the first references to the southern coast of Australia in the 17th century was that of 1627, when a Dutch ship sailed along the shore for a distance of a thousand miles, while one of the earliest maps of that century which showed the outlines of Australia was the Montanus map of 1572. Attention has already been called to the fact that the great nameless island, with its attendant islands, is placed westward instead of southeast of the Malayan peninsula; but Sylvanus, in his Ptolemy map of 1511 (#318), moves the whole group into its proper position to the southeast, thus giving a somewhat correct view of the geography of that region. Thus far nothing has been said of the general appearance of the globe, though, if it were necessary, many details could be pointed out which indicate its ancient origin. In Asia the Himalayan range, anciently known as Imaus, had its influence upon the globe-maker's geography, who indicates Schite extraianivm for Scythia extra Imaum. Moabio appears to be the Maabar of Marco Polo, who says that in this entire Province there is never a Tailor to cut a coat or stitch it, for the very good reason that everybody goes naked. Beyond Newfoundland is a sinking ship, with the figure of a human being in the water, possibly an allusion to the loss of the Portuguese Cortereal. When, however, the maker of the Lenox Globe looked away toward the region now occupied by North America, he saw only a watery waste, in the midst of which the island of Bacaleos or Newfoundland, rode like some ship at anchor. In the place of North America there are scattered islands, one of which, located near the northwest extremity of Terra de Brazil, bears the name Zipangri [Japan], being close to Yucatan, whose well-known bay, first explored in 1518, has a conjectural coast line trending towards the south instead of the west. The name America does not appear upon the Lenox Globe, which fact, so far as it possesses any significance, favors the belief that the early date of 1504 assigned to the instrument is correct. Hylocomilus, while admitting the priority of the voyage of Columbus, felt no necessity for naming the New World after one who, in the most pronounced manner, declared that there was no New World to be named.
Humboldt maintains that Vespucci, equally with Columbus, believed that the land discovered formed a part of Asia. The Viscount Santarem (Researches respecting Vespucci) has taken the ground, as well as some others, that the map of Hylocomilus, in the Ptolemy of 1513, was the work of Columbus.
The southern coasts of Asia are drawn less correctly than on the map of Ruysch and on the TabulA¦ NovA¦ of Asia inserted into the Ptolemy edition of 1513. In the New World representation, South America appears as a large island having three regional names: Mundus Novus, Terra SanctA¦ Crucis, and Terra de Brazil. In the place of North America there are scattered islands, one of which, located near the northwest extremity of Terra de Brazil, bears the name Zipangri [Japan], and one in the far north, but unnamed, clearly resembles the Cortereal region, as it appears on the Cantino and Caveri maps (#306, #307). Most of the inscriptions on the globe reference back to the medieval picture of Asia, combining antique sources, travel accounts, and fabulous legends.
From the standpoint of 2012, with our greater appreciation of the WaldseemA?ller world map, we can see how De Costaa€™s suspicions of a pre-Magellan discovery of the strait point to the broader cartographic issue.
Either the Lenox Globe really was a post-1507 creation, which in view of its shortcomings oddly failed to take into account the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507, which was reportedly issued in 1000 copies for sale, along with the essay Cosmographiae Introductio. De Costa did not explicitly renege on his estimation of the 1510 date for the Lenox Globe as the most probable but he waffles.
Given these facts, one has to give serious consideration to the possibility that the creator of the Lenox Globe made it before April 1507 or at least not to long after that date if one is to explain ignorance of this widely published essay. De Costa originally prepared his analysis in 1879 without benefit of any knowledge of the large WaldseemA?ller world map discovered 22 years later.
For his part, NordenskiA¶ld in his Facsimile Atlas (1889) cited De Costaa€™s a€?estimate of 1508-1511a€? and concluded that this a€?seemed to be about righta€?. In his later work entitled Periplus published in 1897, NordenskiA¶ld dramatically asserted that knowledge of the Pacific, the isthmus and a water passage to the south a€?must have reached Europe prior to Balboaa€™s journeya€?. Ultimately, Emerson Fite and Archibald Freeman in their 1926 work A Book of Old Maps argued that the Lenox Globe was made sometime in the 1503-1507 period. One reason why they came to this conclusion was that the Lenox Globe lacks the sophistication of the Ruysch world map (1507-1508) with its more accurate depiction of features associated with the region of the Indian Ocean, something which troubled both De Costa and NordenskiA¶ld. The bottom line is that the maker of this globe seems to be unaware of not only the WaldseemA?ller 1507 map, the Ruysch map of 1508, but also ignorant of others such as the Juan de la Cosa, Cantino and Caveri maps from the 1500-1504 period which do show substantial parts of the North American mainland including Florida and the Gulf coastline and also in the Caveri map the Central American coastline from Mexico to roughly Honduras. This discontinuity in cartographical conception makes it hard to know where to place the Lenox Globe on the family tree of maps and globes made during the first decade of the 16th century.
This analysis, if correct, would suggest that Lenox Globe was not likely to have been based on tightly held information in the possession of Spanish navigators.
Furthermore, given that Balboa did not cross the Isthmus of Panama to see the Pacific Ocean until 1513, it is extremely hard to imagine the maker of the Lenox Globe getting his a€?island-likea€? conception or vision of the new southern continent from Spanish sources. There is other evidence that strongly points to the source of the Lenox Globe being Portuguese rather than Spanish.
This geographical distortion seems far too neat or convenient in political terms to have been a mere coincidence as we can see when we superimpose the Line of Demarcation established by this treaty onto the Lenox Globe. Despite this obvious manipulation of nautical data, Fite and Freeman, like De Costa before them, observed that the Lenox Globe still accurately places the southern edge of of this continent at 55 degrees south of the equator. What is amazing is that Fite and Freeman made such a bold statement based merely on their assessment of the Lenox Globe of uncertain date with no consideration of the WaldseemA?ller globe gores of 1507 which also clearly shows a southern water passage.
We would argue further that if this analysis is correct, then the Lenox Globe would represent a stepping-stone or interim intellectual stage in the evolution of geographical knowledge that made possible the more impressive and comprehensive cartographic synthesis articulated by Mathias Ringmann in Cosmographiae Introductio and shown visually in the world map and globe made by Martin WaldseemA?ller at the Gymnasium at Saint-Die. Note the same land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere as in the Jagiellonian Globe, but unlike on that globe, unnamed. The Jagiellonian Globe, dating from around 1510, held by the Jagiellonian University in Cracow, Poland, depicts a continent in the Indian Ocean to the east of Africa and south of India, but labeled America. The appearance in the mid-16th century of Jave la Grande in a series of mappemondes drawn by a school of cartographers centred on the French port of Dieppe, suggesting an early Portuguese or Spanish discovery of the eastern coast of Australia, has been called a€?one of the puzzles of European historya€?. An ancient Map of the World has been discovered in the British Museum, which lays down the coasts of New-Holland, as described by Cooke and Bougainville. In all the subsequent discussion of the Dieppe maps and Spanish or Portuguese discovery of the East coast of Australia in the early 16th century, it is noteworthy that there has been no consideration of the Jagiellonian Globe and the bearing it might have on the matter. The Sydney Morning Herald of 19 January 1911 carried an article with the arresting title, a€?Australiaa€™s Discoverer: was it Amerigo Vespucci?a€?.
Professor Estreicher drew attention to a globe of similar date held by the New York Public Library, known as the Lenox Globe. Ein solches Land is nur Sudamerica allein, und wir mussen annehmen, dass jene Insel Sudamerica vorstellen soll, freilich an einer ganz falschem Stelle. Estreicher proposed Louis Boulengier of Albi as having been the cartographer responsible for the Jagiellonian Globe, on the basis of similarity between it and the Tross Gores, dating from 1514-1518 (#324), of which Boulengier is known to have been the author. An armillary clock, similar to the Jagiellonian, made by Jean Naze of Lyons in 1560 is held at the Orangerie Planetarium of the Staatliche Museen Kassel (formerly the Hessisches Landesmuseum). But the most revealing feature of this globe is that its maker was aware of Cosmographiae Introductio, because he refers to America. If it was impossible that the maker of the Jagellonian Globe with the benefit of access to Cosmographiae Introductio which invented the name America could have been that confused, why the gross mistake?
Edward Stevenson, discussing Estreichera€™s work in 1921, commented that he seemed not to have noticed that the inscription AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA possibly indicated not only an acquaintance on the part of the Jagiellonian cartographer with WaldseemA?llera€™s suggestion as to the name America, but a belief that America was actually located in this particular region.
In the sixth climate toward the Antarctic there are situated the farthest part of Africa, recently discovered, the islands Zanzibar, the lesser Java, and Seula [Ceylon], and the fourth part of the Earth, which, because Amerigo discovered it, we may call Amerige, the land of Amerigo, so to speak, or America. In his 1911 interview, Petherick pointed out that Thomas Morea€™s Utopia (published in Louvain in 1516) reflected this concept of the eartha€™s geography. The representations of the east coast of a€?Jave Ie Granda€™ [sic] (Australia) delineated in those maps are, I assert, very rough representations and repetitions of the east coast of South America when that continent and our Australia were supposed to be one, before the Pacific Ocean was known.
From this perspective, one might speculate that the bizarre attachment of the name America to a mythical or hypothetical island in the southern Indian Ocean was an expression of strong contempt for the Florentine navigator and an attempt to delink his name from the South American continent, which had been made by WaldseemA?llera€™s team at Saint-Die in 1507.
Catigara was the name given on earlier Ptolemaic maps to the land on the easternmost shore of the Mare Indicum, south of the equator.
In claiming that Amerigo Vespucci discovered Australia Petherick may simply have been intending to make the point hyperbolically that the coastline of the Dieppe maps, taken by some to represent Australia, was the coast of the land discovered by Amerigo, misplaced into the Eastern Hemisphere.
The Jagiellonian Globe demonstrates that it was possible for early 16th century geographers to depict the same coastline, that of eastern South America, in two different places on the same map. The Jagiellonian Globe reminds us that we must try to look at the early maps through the eyes and with the knowledge of their makers, free of the preconceptions arising from our current geographical knowledge.
Another four decades were to pass before another scholar addressed the question of the date for the creation of the Lenox Globe. Why did Pohl see the creation of the Lenox Globe being linked so closely to the publication of Vespuccia€™s letters in Italy in 1505? Levilliera€™s analysis in an essay in Imago Mundi entitled a€?New Light on Vespuccia€™s third voyagea€? was stunning in this regard. We should observe at this juncture that even prior to the so-called Italian-Sodorini edition of Vespuccia€™s letters, the famous Cantino map (#306), which is also of Portuguese-origin and which dates to no later than November 1502, also shows the eastern coastline bending abruptly (and falsely) to the southeast. Thus, in his essay for the Bulletin of the New York Public Library in 1963 Pohl was on solid ground when he pointed to the similar or parallel tampering with the text of Vespuccia€™s original letter for the Italian-Soderini edition as grounds for suspecting that the Lenox Globe dates to a period before the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507.
Nevertheless, Pohl deliberately dodged the question of the uncanny depiction of the new southern continent in his 1963 essay.
Pohl went to considerable lengths in this long footnote in 1944 to dismiss any evidence -- the account in the Newen Zeytung journal, the SchA¶ner globes and Valentine Fernandesa€™ remarks in a deposition in a Portuguese court in 1503 -- that supports Magellana€™s assertion that Portuguese navigators had discovered the strait much earlier, and no later than 1506. Pohla€™s rigid position concerning the a€?accidentala€? or a€?imaginarya€? features of the Lenox and Jagellonian Globes remains baffling given that he was prone to accept highly dubious claims of evidence for the presence of Europeans and Asians in America -- such as the stone tower in Newport, Rhode Island which has been reliably dated to after 1492. In the more than forty years since Pohla€™s essay was published there has been little attention paid to the Lenox Globe.
Meridians and parallels are engraved and numbered on its surface at intervals of ten degrees, the prime meridian passing through the island Ferro. We believe that when all the evidence and analysis of the historical context are taken into consideration, Fite, Freeman, and Pohl presented a compelling, convincing argument that places the creation of the Lenox Globe prior to the WaldseemA?ller map and globe gores. Furthermore, it seems more probable that the Lenox Globe was based on sensitive information that was improperly acquired directly from someone in Lisbon than it was based on information leaked from the Gymnasium at Saint-Die while the work on Cosmographiae Introductio, the world map and globe gores was still underway in 1505-1506. Thus, there is some basis for concluding that the maker of the Lenox Globe had learned about a water passage and thus knew a lot more than Vespucci conveyed, at least more than the Florentine navigator revealed openly in Mundus Novus which entered into circulation in 1503-1504. In conclusion, we can summarize what appear to be five solid facts concerning the creation of the Lenox Globe. Second, the maker of this globe also knew from sensitive Portuguese sources a lot more about the overall shape of the entire southern continent than Vespucci conveyed (at least openly) in Mundus Novus that entered into widespread circulation beginning in 1503- 1504. When one considers all this chronological evidence, analysis of the most probable historical context points to the creation of the Lenox Globe between the publication of Vespuccia€™s Mundus Novus in 1503-1504 and April 1507 when Cosmographiae Introductio and the large world map were printed.
Whatever the truth, the Lenox-Jagellonian Globes add to a large body of cartographic evidence that points to a Portuguese discovery of the strait before 1519 which is what Magellan had always insisted, and to a clandestine exploration of the west coast of this new fourth continent as far north as what we know as Acapulco no later than 1507. Magellana€™s odd decision was illogical or counter-intuitive if he and his contemporaries believed that this new land mass was an extension of Asia. It is a reasonable conclusion that Magellan understood from extensive discussions with Spanish officials and navigators that this land mass was connected to the land region we know as Central America with which the Spanish were quite familiar by 1518- 1519.
Chauncey, Henry, a letter written on January 21,1902 to Willberforce Eames, official at the Lenox Library.
Lingren, Uta, a€?Trial and Error in the Mapping of America in the Early Modern Period,a€? in America: Early Maps of the New World, editor, Hans Wolff, New York, 1992, pp. Nordenskiold, Adolf, Periplus - An Essay on the Early History of Charts and Sailing-Directions, Stockholm, 1897, p.
Pohl, Frederick, a€?The Fourth Continent on the Lenox Globea€?, Bulletin of The New York Public Library, Volume 67, Number 9 (September 1963), pp. Stevenson, Edward Luther, a€?Martin WaldseemA?ller and Early Lusitano-Germanic Cartography of the New World,a€? Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, Volume XXXVI, Number 4, 1904, pp.
Winsor, Justin, Narrative and Critical History of America, Houghton-Mifflin & Company, 1884-1889, Volume III, pp. Zakrzewska, Maria N., Catalogue of globes in the Jagellonian University Museum, translated by Franciszek Buhl, Kracow, 1965.
A A A  Lenoxa€™s personal library was acquired in 1911 by the New York Public Library and in the process this small, engraved globe made of copper became one of the Librarya€™s most valuable possessions. A A A  Like Martin Behaima€™s famous large globe from 1492 (#258), the Lenox Globe still shows only one ocean between Europe and Asia. Description: This highly significant map of the world eluded examination by modern scholars for nearly four hundred years until its re-discovery in 1901 by the Jesuit historian, Joseph Fisher, in the library of Prince von Waldburg zu Wolfegg-Waldsee at the Castle of Wolfegg, WA?rttemberg Germany.
It had long been suspected that Martin WaldseemA?ller, a professor of cosmography at the school in St.
The purpose of this little book is to write a description of the world map, which we have designed both as a globe and as a projection [tam in solido quam plano]. Martin WaldseemA?llera€™s Universalis Cosmographia secundum Ptholomei Traditionem et Americi Vespucci aliorum Lustrationes [A Map of the World According to the Tradition of Ptolemy and the Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci] was designed on a single cordiform projection and engraved on twelve wooden blocks (21 x 30 inches each; 54 x 96 inches overall) at Strasburg and printed at St. In Plate IX of the map, numbering the plates from left to right, the top row first, WaldseemA?ller re-asserts that he is particularly delineating the lands discovered by Vespucci. A general delineation of the various lands and islands, including some of which the ancients make no mention, discovered lately between 1497 and 1504 in four voyages over the seas, two by Fernando of Castile, and two by Manuel of Portugal, most serene monarchs, with Amerigo Vespucci as one of the navigators and officers of the fleet; and especially a delineation of many places hitherto unknown. Vespucci claimed that on his first voyage he made discoveries along the coasts of Honduras and the Gulf of Mexico. In describing the general appearance of the world, it has seemed best to put down the discoveries of the ancients, and to add what has since been discovered by the moderns, for instance, the land of Cathay, so that those who are interested in such matters and wish to find out various things, may gain their wishes and be grateful to us for our labor, when they see nearly everything that has been discovered here and there, or recently explored, carefully and clearly brought together, so as to be seen at a glance.
This mapa€™s greatest claim to immortality, however, is contained in the simple word of seven letters, America, the earliest known use of that name to describe the newly found fourth part of the world, placed on the southern continent (present-day South America) of the world map only by WaldseemA?ller. More than four years had elapsed since Amerigo Vespucci announced what he claimed to be the discovery of an entirely new continent, and as yet that new continent had no satisfactory name. In the first years of the new century, a group of scholars decided to produce a revised edition of the Cosmography of Ptolemy (#119) to meet the urgent need for new maps, according to the new discoveries. Martin WaldseemA?ller, a native of Freiburg in the Breisgau and appointed Professor of Geography at St. Toward the South Pole are situated the southern part of Africa, recently discovered, and the islands of Zanzibar, Java Minor, and Seula. The name appeared in Halmal, a semi-divine mythical forefather or ancestor of the Amelungen, or royal tribe of the Ostrogoths, which was called A–mlunger. Returning to the map, it is curious to note that while the name America appeared on the new continent (South America) of the new hemisphere on the world map, WaldseemA?ller did not choose to use it on the small inset map of the western hemisphere, where South America is labeled Terra Incognita.
By selecting the name America for a major portion of the new discoveries, WaldseemA?ller was not unaware of the contributions of Columbus and intended no denial of the credit properly due him. Plate I, in the upper left-hand corner, contains an inscription that explains WaldseemA?llera€™s ideas as to the location of the lands discovered by Vespucci and Columbus. Many have regarded as an invention the words of a famous poet [Virgil] that a€?beyond the stars lies a land, beyond the path of the year and the sun, where Atlas, who supports the heavens, revolves on his shoulders the axis of the world, set with gleaming starsa€?, but now finally it proves clearly to be true. Instead of a€?19 degreesa€? he should have written a€?29 degreesa€? which, when added to the 23 degrees of the tropic, would have made the a€?52 degreesa€? given in the a€?thirda€? voyage as Amerigo Vespuccia€™s farthest south.
The remarkable geographical features of the WaldseemA?ller map are, however, more important than the giving of a name to one of them. These close approximations to geographical actualities were natural corollaries of Amerigoa€™s great a€?discoverya€™ of a a€?fourth part of the worlda€?.
WaldseemA?ller places a land to the west of Isabella Insula [Cuba], as do many of the other mapmakers of his time, La Cosa, Cantino, Ruysch and Caveri (#305, #308, #313, #307). To the south, the long attenuated form given to both Terra Ulteria€? Incognita and to America, the west coasts of which are, as it were, rolled back to indicate WaldseemA?llera€™s lack of knowledge of these areas. Leaving the New World discoveries, one cannot help but notice the striking resemblance between WaldseemA?llera€™s a€?Old Worlda€? outline and that presented by Henricus Martellus Germanus in his map of 1490 (#256).
Although many of the ancients were interested in marking out the circle of the land, things remained unknown to them in no slight degree; for instance, in the west, America, named after its discoverer, which is to be reckoned a fourth part of the world. In addition to Caveri, Martellus and Ptolemy, other sources synthesized by WaldseemA?ller include the narratives of Marco Polo, whose data concerning the geography of eastern China and the adjacent islands, though already known to the world in the map of Fra Mauro (#249), the Catalan Atlas (#235) and in globes such as those of Behaim (#258), are now for the first time embodied in a popular printed sheet map; and the Northmen, whose explorations in Mare Glaciale and in the neighborhood of Greenland were known from the maps of Claudius Clavus and those of Donnus Nickolaus Germanus. Thus, derived chiefly from Caveria€™s map (#307), itself based in many particulars upon the Cantino world map of 1502 (#308), the WaldseemA?ller production of 1507 transmitted the features of both to an impressive list of succeeding maps, globes and globe gores reaching to 1520 and well beyond. Of the same year as the map itself, and displaying its features, was the previously alluded to printed globe issued by WaldseemA?ller, known today only by two sets of globe gores on uncut sheets.
WaldseemA?ller, himself, continued his cartographic production beginning with a revised edition of Ptolemya€™s Geographia (eventually published by others), which included a Supplement composed of 20 maps claimed by some scholars to be a€?the first modern atlas of the worlda€™.
The regression of WaldseemA?ller to the Columbian conception of Cuba as a part of the continent of Asia was without question confusing to those who saw the map of 1516 with its specific legend. One can hardly overemphasize the significance in cartographic history, therefore, of the printed WaldseemA?ller productions of 1507 - world map, insets, and globe gores. The name America (applied to present-day Brazil) appeared for what is believed the first time on Martin WaldseemA?ller's 1507 world map a€” the so-called Baptismal Certificate of the New World.
AMERICA, we learn as schoolchildren, was named in honor of Amerigo Vespucci a€” for his discovery of the mainland of the New World. Traditional history lessons about the discovery of America also raise questions about the meaning of discovery itself.
And yet, despite the issue of who discovered America, we are still confronted with the awesome fact that it was the voyages of Columbus, and not earlier ones, that changed the course of world history. Carew is resurrecting the ideas of Jules Marcou, a prominent French geologist who while studying North America argued, as did other 19th-century writers, that the name America was brought back to Europe from the New World; and that Vespucci had changed his name to reflect the name of his discovery. Like Marcou, Carew wants us to believe that America was not named after Vespucci, but vice versa; that Vespucci had, so to speak, re-named himself after his discovery, gilding his given name by modifying it to reflect the significance of his discovery.
Some scholars believe Vespucci was named after Saint Emeric, son of the first king of Hungary. As was the custom of the Florentine nobility, Vespucci received an education that featured special instruction in the sciences connected with navigation a€” natural philosophy, astronomy, and cosmography a€” in which he excelled.
During the first half of the 20th century, scholars discovered further evidence that clears away the cloud of misunderstanding and ignorance by which Vespucci has long been obscured.
The voyage completed by Vespucci between May 1499 and June 1500 as navigator of an expedition of four ships sent from Spain under the command of Alonso de Hojeda is certainly authentic. Under Portuguese auspices he completed a second expedition, which set sail from Lisbon on May 31, 1501. Vespucci not only explored unknown regions but also invented a system of computing exact longitude and arrived at a figure computing the earth's equational circumference only fifty miles short of the correct measurement.
The new geography included in its appendix WaldseemA?ller's large, stunning map of the world, on which the New World is boldly labeled AMERICA a€” in the middle of present-day Brazil. The baptismal passage in the Cosmographiae Introductio has commonly been read as argument, in which the authors said that they were naming the newly discovered continent in honor of Vespucci and saw no reason for objections.
Even though the Latinization of Americus fits a pattern, why did the cosmographers not employ Albericus (hence the assumption that "Alberigo" was Vespucci's authentic Christian name), the Latinization that had already been used for Amerigo's name as the author of the Mundus Novus? Did America get its name through oral tradition when those who had sailed with Columbus or Vespucci circulated stories that gold was to be found in the Amerrique Mountains of Nicaragua? The coast at the foot of the Amerrique Mountains that faces the Caribbean Sea is called the Mosquito Coast, named for the Mosquito Indians, who live there still. The Caribs, traveling far from their Carib or Cariay coast, could see the Amerriques in the distance, and these mountains for them could have signified the mainland.
Rodney Broomea€™s recent book, Terra Incognita: The True Story of How America Got Its Name (2001), in which he argues for the Amerike theory, is a very good read, but ultimately lacks the hard evidence to support the authora€™s claim. An early version of this essay appeared in The American Voice (1988) and a section in Encounters (1991). In late May 2003, the Library of Congress completed the purchase of the only surviving copy of the first image of the outline of the continents of the world as we know them todaya€” Martin Waldseemullera€™s monumental 1507 world map. Martin Waldseemuller, the primary cartographer of the map, was a sixteenth-century scholar, humanist, cleric, and cartographer who had joined the small intellectual circle, the Gymnasium Vosagense, organized in Saint-DieI?, France. Thus, in northeast France was born the famous 1507 world map, entitled Universalis cosmographia secunda Ptholemei traditionem et Americi Vespucci aliorum que lustrationes (A drawing of the whole earth following the tradition of Ptolemy and the travels of Amerigo Vespucci and others). While it has been suggested that Waldseemuller incorrectly dismissed Christopher Columbusa€™s great achievement in history by the selection of the name America for the Western Hemisphere, it is evident that the information that Waldseemuller and his colleagues had at their disposal recognized Columbus's previous voyages of exploration and discovery.
By 1513, when Waldseemuller and the Saint-DieI? scholars published the new edition of Ptolemy's Geographiae, and by 1516, when his famous Carta Marina was printed, Waldseemuller had removed the name America from his maps, perhaps suggesting that even he had second thoughts in honoring Vespucci exclusively for his understanding of the New World.
A reported one thousand copies of the 1507 map were printed, which was a sizeable print run in those days. The Library of Congress's Geography and Map Division acquired in 1903 the facsimiles made of the 1507 and 1516 maps. Library of Congress and specialists in the Library were encouraged to investigate the opportunity.
The 1507 world map is now the centerpiece of the outstanding cartographic collections of the Library of Congress, as it would be for any world class cartographic collection. The Librarya€™s acquisition of the Waldseemuller map represents an important moment to renew serious research into this exceptional map, to determine the sources which made possible its creation, and to investigate its contemporary impact and acceptance. Through agreement with Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg and the government of Germany, the 1507 world map by Martin Waldseemuller is to be placed on permanent display in the Library of Congressa€™s Great Hall area in the Thomas Jefferson Building. DESCRIPTION: The existence of sets of gores for making into a globe had been surmised for some time from the discussion in WaldseemA?llera€™s CosmographiA¦ Introductio. That which adds special significance to this young Germana€™s representations of the new lands, so far as a study of globes is concerned, is the repeated recurrence of his particular outlines or contours in the globe maps of the first quarter of the century, produced by such cartographers as Johann SchA¶ner of NA?rnberg (#328), and by those of his school. In a little tract, printed in Strassburg in the year 1509, there appears to be a reference to a globe which may be that constructed by WaldseemA?ller.
The twelve such gores, measuring 18 x 34.5 cm, corresponding very closely to those described by WaldseemA?ller were for a long time in the Hauslab-Leichtenstein collection and are now in the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis. The world outline is a simplified reduction of WaldseemA?llera€™s large map of 1507 (#310) with relatively few names but (when mounted) sufficient for illustrative purposes. Martin WaldseemA?ller, theologian and cosmographer, and Matthias Ringmann, a humanist poet, were brought to the monastery of St. Although it is likely that the simple globe gores, their model or a€?Marquettea€? of the New World view, would have been available with each issue of the Cosmographiae, the large 12 sheet wall-map, would have been too expensive to be sold as widely. Considerable speculation, misinformation and some misunderstanding has surrounded these globe gores and the large world map. Here’s a side view of the knee.  You can see the ligaments and tendons are key to holding our femur (thigh bone) in place as well as our the bone in our lower leg (the tibia). Here is another problem that the knee joint can suffer and that is bleeding into the actual capsule cavity. Its historical significance arises from the fact that it is the oldest surviving globe from the post-1492 period and the oldest surviving globe to illustrate any portion of the New World.
Thus, in this respect, the small globe does not convey the awareness that there had to be a distinct second ocean (the Pacific) as the WaldseemA?ller map (#310) clearly does. Harrisse believed that the Lenox Globe was made in France derived from a€?an Italian modela€? and he detected what he thought were some features or nomenclature reminiscent of a sketch map allegedly from the hand of Leonardo Da Vinci (#327) now kept in the Library at Windsor Castle.
He was one of the first scholars to make the astute observation about how quickly and how inevitably it was that the Europeans would connect the dots, would grasp the continuous unbroken coastline from Labrador to Argentina as seen in the Stobnicza map of 1512 (#319). He remarked in his Narrative and Critica1 History of America that a€?its date is fixed at 1510-1512, but by some as early as 1506-1507.a€? Curiously Winsor, who died in 1897, never identified which scholars favored the earlier date that would place the creation of the Lenox Globe before the WaldseemA?ller map. When he published his critical assessment in a long article for The Magazine of American History in September 1879, he was ahead of his time. There in fact are several other maps, globes, or globe gores - associated with the names Boulengier (#324), Green (#342.1), Hauslab-Leichtenstein (#310), Nordenskiold (#311), Stobnicza (#319), and the well-known globes and maps of Johannes SchA¶ner (#328) from the 1515-1520 period - which show this continent having a strait or cape like the African continent and also having a distinctive a€?ice cream-conea€? shape quite unlike Africa. And this evidence should raise doubts and did in fact raise doubts among some late-19th century scholars such as De Costa, Nordenskiold, Varnhagen and Winsor concerning the conventional wisdom that everyone in Europe was in the dark prior to Magellana€™s famous expedition. And Humboldt based his conclusion in the 1830s, on the fact that the little essay Cosmographiae Introductio published to accompany WaldseemA?llera€™s world map in 1507 and which names for the first time the New World as America in Vespuccia€™s honor, also describes the new continent in the southern hemisphere as being like an a€?enormous island in it that it is found to be surrounded on all sides by watera€?.
Therefore, unlike Harrisse who curiously was not willing to date the globe before 1511, De Costa was firm in his conclusion that the Portuguese must have found the strait no later than 1510.
It seems probable that it was made after the publication, in 1503, of Vespuciusa€™ letter to Lorenzo de Medici, in which he gave an account of his third voyage, when he followed the Brazilian coast 34A° south latitude. De Costa, Justin Winsor and Henry Harrisse have assigned a date of 1510-11, for the reason, amongst others, that, while several of its representations are in advance of the published knowledge of 1508, they are behind that of 1511-12. In 1508, on the map of John Ruysch (#313), Newfoundland also appears as a part of Asia, being marked Terra Nova.
In its New World representation, South America appears as a large island having three regional names, Mundus Novus, Terra Sanctae Crucis, and Terra de Brazil. The ordinary observer must have perceived that the great bodies of land on the globe terminated towards the south in points.
The principle in accordance with which the age of this globe is to be deduced is now therefore quite clear.
The globe shows very distinctly a large island, without any name, lying in the Indian Ocean.
This excuse, however, cannot be offered for those who later represented Zanzibar as a great island out in the ocean. Acting, however, in accordance with the suggestion offered, it would prove an easy task to bring order out of the confusion.
Nevertheless it is probable that Australia was known centuries before, when the Chinese, with the marinersa€™ compass, navigated those seas. Amongst these might be mentioned the peculiar configuration of the Asiatic coasts, the style of the lettering, the drawing of the ships, and the aspect of the marine monsters.
He also puts Simarum Situs on the border of the Gulf of the Ganges, where Sinarum Situs is put by Ruysch, Sinarum, like Serica, or silk, being a name applied to China, which on the globe is called East India. The globe-maker, however, should have placed the province where Polo and the Nancy Globe (#363) place it, on the Coromandel coast. Below South Africa is a grotesque monster, intended for a whale, the creature being delineated with much care.
He may have heard of the Vinland of the Northmen, but the story of the Cabots had already been locked up in depositories where it was destined to lie too long; while Martyra€™s map of Beimeni, or Florida, together with the publications of 1512, 1513, 1515, had not come from the press.
The word Getulia and Zamor point to the influence of the Goths and Moors in Africa, while Paludes Nile show that, in common with the geographers of that period, the globe-maker had anticipated the discoveries of Livingstone and Stanley. Cuba, on the other hand, is correctly laid down as an island, being called Isabel, in honor of Queen Isabella. The name America was first proposed in 1507 by Martin WaldseemA?ller, known under the Greek pseudonym of a€?Hylacomilus.a€? It appears in his Cosmographiae Introductio, where, having called attention to the fact that the old continents were named after women, he observes that the new one should be called after a man. Hylacomilus was entirely friendly to Columbus, as was the case with Vespucci in his relations to the Genoese; nevertheless the geographer of St. He says that three times in his second voyage Vespucci calls the country terra del Asia, but in the third voyage calls it una€™ altro mondo and Mondo nuovo. This map shows the separation of America from Asia, but we believe that the Lenox Globe is earlier.
Or the Lenox Globe indeed was made prior to 1507 that would or could mean that its amazing depiction of the new southern continent was derived from highly valued geographical knowledge that also made possible the brilliant synthesis that we see in the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507. The main reason for De Costaa€™s waffling is that he remained intrigued with the notion that there was a€?some connectiona€? between the Lenox Globe that refers to the New World as Mundus Novus, and Vespuccia€™s 1501-1502 voyage.
Curiously, for some reason, even though De Costa lived until 1904, there is no record of what he thought after the discovery of this map in 1901, which might well have prompted him to date the Lenox Globe prior to 1507.
The Baron had no doubt that the globe was made well before Magellan since its depiction of Asia was more primitive than what one sees on the Ruysch map included the 1507-1508 Rome editions of Ptolemya€™s Geographia. The Ruysch map was inserted in the widely available Rome editions of Ptolemya€™s Geographia which published in 1507-1508, the first such edition of this work since 1490. Instead, in sharp contrast, the Lenox Globe shows what the Cantino and Caveri maps do not show: namely, the coastline from Venezuela around Panama then upward to Honduras with no hint of a strait in the region of Panama. Ita€™s amazing depiction of the southern continent, essentially in its entirety as a land mass totally separate from Asia and surrounded like an island virtually on all sides by water makes the Lenox Globe a strange hybrid. In Spanish maritime circles, knowledge of the Caribbean, the Gulf of Mexico, Florida, and even much of the coast north of Florida (all of which fell within the Spanish maritime zone) was fairly complete by 1502-1504. At the same time, we know that in the Spring of 1501, after Cabral had found the east coast of Brazil the previous year, the Portuguese focused intensely on exploring the eastern coastline of South America in order to determine if there was a cape and if it fell within Lisbona€™s maritime zone. The globe reflects a pro-Portuguese political bias and here we come to what is perhaps the most astonishing and revealing feature of the globe. We can also see this same eastward twist of the coastline in the Cantino (#306) and Contarini (#308) maps both of which date to before the WaldseemA?ller map. Based on this evidence, Fite and Freeman felt compelled to conclude (again like De Costa and NordenskiA¶ld) that this a€?suggests a water-route around South America was known before Magellan set out in 1519a€?.


In any case, the preponderance of evidence and the historical contextualization seems to validate the Fite-Freeman argument that the Lenox Globe dates to sometime between late 1503 when the first editions of Vespuccia€™s Mundus Novos were published and April 1507 when Cosmographiae Introductio and the WaldseemA?ller world map and globe gores appeared.
The globe illustrates how geographers of that time struggled to reconcile the discoveries of new lands with orthodox Ptolomaic cosmography. The discussion over this puzzle may be dated from 1786, when Alexander Dalrymple first drew attention to the resemblance between the shape of Jave la Grande on the Dauphin, or Harleian map (#378) and the shape of the coastline of New South Wales as it had been charted by James Cook in HMS Endeavour in 1770. This map, which is on parchment, appears from the characters, and other circumstances, to have been made about the beginning of the 16th century. This had been described in the 9th edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica and discussed in an article by Benjamin Franklin De Costa in the Magazine of American History.
Estreicher pointed out that the western coasts of both this continent and the MUNDUS NOVUS in the Western Hemisphere are schematic and without detail, in contrast to the eastern coasts which show bays, rivers and promontories, indicating that they are the result of actual discovery by voyagers.
Diese Annahme wird zur Gewissheit, als wir auf dem Jagellonischen Globus finden, dass die Insel die Inschrift tragt: AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA. The Tross Gores also bear the inscription AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA, but in this case placed over South America (WaldseemA?llera€™s America), and there is no continental land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere. The depiction of the continents on the globe in this clock is similar to the globe or gores made by Louis Boulengier in 1514, indicating how globe makers could persist in using cosmographical concepts that were decades out of date.
Unlike the Lenox Globe, the Jagellonian Globe has engraved on it the lines of latitude and longitude with the prime meridian passing through the island of Ferro. However, as mentioned above, he oddly applies this name, not to the new fourth continent in the Western Hemisphere but instead to an unsubstantiated mythical island in the southern portion of the Indian Ocean.
For his part, Estreicher drew the sensible and logical conclusion that the use of the name America clearly indicates that the Jagellonian Globe was made after the spring of 1507.
One distinct possibility consistent with the other indication of a pro-Portuguese political bias, is that the Jagellonian Globe was made by someone with that same bias and who was furious that Amerigo Vespucci had revealed far too much in Mundus Novus for Lisbona€™s liking and who may well have been dismissed in late 1504 from further service for Portugal for that reason. Hythlodaeus, the narrator, whose name perhaps recalls Hylacomylus (WaldseemA?llera€™s name in latinized form), is said to have accompanied Amerigo Vespucci on what, according to the perhaps apocryphal but widely read Soderini letter, was his fourth voyage (1503-1504). This analysis would suggest that the Jagellonian version of the Lenox Globe might have been a hostile reaction to what the mapmakers had done at St. The maker of the Jagellonian Globe who inserted this erroneous inscription with regard to Americaa€™s location on a globe was dependent on a prior cartographic projection that had to have originated elsewhere.
Writing of his 1499 voyage, Amerigo Vespucci said he had hoped to reach India by sailing westward from Spain across the Atlantic around the Cape of Catigara into the Sinus Magnus, the Great Gulf that lay to the East of the Chersonese Aureus [Malay Peninsula].
Johannes SchA¶nera€™s globe of 1515 (#328), like Boulengiera€™s of 1514 (#324), depicted America but, like the Jagiellonian and Lenox, showed another continent to the South West, labeled BRASILLIE REGIA. This was a cosmographical concept, not based on actual surveys, but as Stevenson pointed out, assumed because the geographers of the time such as WaldseemA?ller, ignorant of the reality of the Pacific Ocean or of North America, thought Amerigo Vespuccia€™s newly discovered land was located in the Southern Hemisphere to the eastward of Africa.
As an authentic document from the early sixteenth century incorporating and demonstrating the cosmographic concepts of that time, it deserves consideration in any discussion of how the Dieppe maps came into existence. Frederick Pohl (1889-1991) accepted the Fite-Freeman position in an essay published in the Bulletin of the New York Public Library in September 1963.
Pohl drew this conclusion in part because after he published a biography of Vespucci in 1944, Pohl seems to have become aware of the observations of German Arciniegas and Robert Levillier that the Portuguese map makers were in the habit of twisting the southern coastline of South America toward the southeast so that the cape or strait would fall on Lisbona€™s side of the Line of Demarcation established by treaty in 1494.
Although Pohl in his 1963 essay curiously did not mention Levilliera€™s essay or Arciniegasa€™ well-known Vespucci biography, he had already argued in 1944 that someone must have tampered with Vespuccia€™s letters to Soderini in various passages, especially that conspicuous alteration from a€?southwesta€? to a€?southeasta€? to give the false impression that the eastern coastline shifted abruptly in that direction a€“ as we can see illustrated in the Lenox Globe in a quite dramatic fashion. This exaggerated geographical feature strongly suggests that officials in Lisbon were quite eager as early as 1502 to spread misinformation or disinformation about the true direction of the coastline below the Tropic of Capricorn at 23 degrees latitude south.
We can say this because he buried a discussion of this specific issue in a long footnote on pages 225-226 at the back of his biography of Vespucci published in London in 1944. However, the most telling observation is that if there was no European knowledge of a cape or a strait with regard to the new southern continent prior to Magellan, why do these globes a€?twista€? the southern portion of the continent to make people believe that a cape and water fall so far to the east, in the direction of, and therefore within the Portuguese maritime zone? Hans Wolff who edited and also contributed to America: Early Maps of the New World (1992) made a passing remark about how the Lenox Globe a€?is slightly older than the Brixen-Hauslab globe of 1523a€? but his suggestion that the globe dates to around 1520 is not credible. While it is neither signed nor dated, there is scarcely a doubt that it is as old as the Lenox globe; indeed, the geographical features of the two globes are so similar that they appear to be the work of the same globe maker, or copies of a common original, yet it is note-worthy that the nomenclature of the Jagellonicus globe is somewhat richer. At the same time, the maker of the globe evidently and curiously was still not aware of the decision at Saint-Die to baptize the New World as America in honor of Vespucci.
First, the maker of this globe accepted or echoed Portuguese cartographic propaganda after 1502 concerning the configuration of the eastern coastline which was depicted as shifting or twisting in a highly exaggerated fashion in a southeasterly direction into the Atlantic. Third, despite all the evidence that the maker of the Lenox Globe was working almost exclusively with Portuguese sources, he oddly fails to provide the more accurate depiction of South Asia that we find in the Cantino, Caveri and Ruysch maps all of which were completed in the 1502-1507 time period.
Pohla€™s suspicion that this globe appeared around the time of the publication of the questionable Italian or Sodorini edition of Vespuccia€™s letters in 1505 or 1506 is a compelling argument.
Magellana€™s strange decision to turn and sail due west across the Pacific after having sailed northward to a considerable extent up the Chilean coast remains an intriguing fact. Instead, Magellan seems to have been acting on the assumption or belief that this new southern land, though quite huge, was either an enormous island or a new continent totally separate from Asia, which is precisely what both the Lenox Globe and WaldseemA?ller maps clearly suggest. And surely at that time the Spanish had abandoned any hope in a strait in that region, otherwise they would not have backed Magellana€™s expedition to reach the Moluccas. In this letter, Chauncey conveys what he was able to learn about Hunta€™s discovery of the Lenox Globe and its later acquisition by Lenox from conversations with Hunta€™s widow who was Chaunceya€™s sister-in-law.
In der Jagellonischen Bibliotek, Bulletin lnternational de la€™Academie des Sciences de Cracovie, Comptes Rendus des Seances (March 1900), a€?Resumesa€?, pp.
Fisher found the only known remaining copy of this map securely bound up in an old book bearing the bookplate of the 16th century German mathematician and geographer Johannes SchA¶ner.
Die, located in the Vosges Mountains of France, had made a map of the world in the year 1507.
Die in a an original issue of about 1,000 copies (a thousand copies represented a large edition for this time, immediately preceding post-Columbian world maps, such as Juan de la Cosaa€™s, Cantinoa€™s and Caveria€™s (#305 thru #309 - were all manuscript maps). All this we have carefully drawn on the map, to furnish true and precise geographical knowledge. A Florentine cosmographer, he sailed in 1497 with a commission appointed by Ferdinand and Isabella to investigate reports that Columbusa€™ administration of Hispaniola was inept. He also credited himself with three other voyages by 1503, when he made his last, an investigation of the coast of Brazil for Portugal. Taken together, these inset hemispheres form the most comprehensive and most nearly correct representation of the world displayed on any map known to have been constructed up to the year of 1507.
Besides this world map, WaldseemA?ller also introduced the name America in two other media, in the previously mentioned Cosmographia Introductio and on his globe (thought by some scholars to be the so-called Hausslab-Linchoten globe (#311), both also produced in the year 1507). It happened that in the Vosges Mountains in the little town of Saint-Die, there was a college under the patronage of the studious Duke Renaud (Rene) II of Vaudemon, of Lorraine, the titular a€?King of Jerusalem and Sicilya€?, who was there resident.
On Plate V (the Caribbean area) of his map, WaldseemA?ller wrote: These islands were discovered by Columbus, an admiral of Genoa, at the command of the King of Spain. For there is a land, discovered by Columbus, a captain of the King of Castile, and by Americus Vespucius, both men of very great ability, which, though in great part lies beneath a€?the path of the year and of the suna€? and between the tropics, nevertheless extends about 19 degrees beyond the Tropic of Capricorn toward the Antarctic Pole, a€?beyond the path of the year and the suna€?.
Since Columbus never explored as far south as the equator, the words a€?it proves clearly to be truea€? are clothed with meaning only in the light of Amerigoa€™s voyages into the southern hemisphere, not at all in the light of the a€?firsta€? of the a€?four voyagesa€?, from which the dispute ultimately arose as to which could claim priority upon the shore of the new continent, Columbus or Amerigo Vespucci; for that a€?firsta€? voyage, like all the voyages of Columbus, was entirely north of the equator. In addition to the previously mentioned accuracy and a€?noveltya€™ of the hemispheric insets, and the picturing of the new southern continent, with its surprisingly correct general contour, the inset map presents a portion of the northern continent as well, and the two are correctly joined together by a narrow isthmus. One is tempted to loose sight of this revolutionary advance over the previously dominating world conception of Ptolemy in focusing all the attention to the single feature that has made WaldseemA?llera€™s map so famous, the first appearance thereon of the name America. This area may represent the coast of China copied from Marco Polo, and placed here in the belief that the new discoveries were in and near Asia. In extending the South American coast to 50 degrees South (high-lighted by the implantation of a Portuguese flag), WaldseemA?ller avoids committing himself as to the possibility of a passage by sea around this new continent by continuing its land to the edge of, and actually into, the map frame (compare this abrupt treatment with his depiction of Africa, where he is willing to go outside of the preset form of his map frame in order to accommodate the full extension of the continent and thus substantiate the Portuguese proof of a passage to the Far East).
As can be seen on the accompanying comparison illustration, except for the southern half of Africa, in both projection and general geographical contours the Old World of WaldseemA?llera€™s 1507 map seems to have been virtually copied from Martellus. Another is, to the south, a part of Africa, which begins about seven degrees this side of Capricornus and stretches in a broad expanse to the south, beyond the torrid zone and the Tropic of Egocerus (Capricornus).
At least twice Henricus Glareanus copied WaldseemA?llera€™s world map and insets in manuscript. Two maps in this Supplement show the New World discoveries, Tabula Terre Nove and Orbis Typus Universalis. In his great and very important world map of 1516, WaldseemA?ller showed the landmass abutting upon the western border of the map, as in the two above mentioned maps, but here gives it the name Terra de Cuba Asie Partis. The representation in these of the American continents separated from Asia by a broad ocean in the midst of which lay the island of Japan was a splendid synthesis based upon such known particulars as the narrative of Marco Polo, the voyages of the Portuguese to North America by way of the Atlantic and to India by way of the Cape of Good Hope, the discoveries of South America by Vespucci and Cabral, the Spanish discoveries in the West Indies and the Caribbean, and above all, perhaps, the notable manuscript maps of La Cosa, Cantino, and Caveri. The only known surviving copy was purchased, in 2003, by the Library of Congress for $10 million. Further, other discoveries of America have been credited to the Irish who had sailed to a land they called Iargalon, the land beyond the sunset, and to the Phoenicians who purportedly came here before the Norse. Specifically, Marcou introduced the name of an Indian tribe and of a district in Nicaragua called Amerrique, and asserted that this district a€” rich in gold a€” had been visited by both Columbus and Vespucci, who then made this name known in Europe. To define it Carew echoes Marcou, who quotes from his correspondence with Augustus Le Plongeon. He has been wrongfully portrayed as a crafty opportunist ever since the mid-16th century when Bartholomew de Las Casas accused him of being a liar and a thief who stole the glory that belonged to Columbus. Around 1490 he was sent to Spain by his employers, the famous Italian family of Medici, to join their business in fitting out ships. At the beginning of 1505 he was summoned to the court of Spain for a private consultation, and, as a man of experience, was engaged to work for the famous Casa de Contratacion de las Indias (Commercial House for the West Indies), which had been founded two years before in Seville. The first or traditional series consists of the widely published letters, dated 1504, purportedly written by him. After a halt at the Cape Verde Islands, the expedition traveled southwestward, reached the coast of Brazil, and certainly sailed as far south as the RA­o de la Plata, which Vespucci was the first European to discover. It was, however, not his many solid accomplishments but an apparent error made by a group of scholars living in St.
This map is the first known map, printed or manuscript, to use the name America, and also the first to depict clearly a separate western hemisphere, with the Pacific as a separate ocean.
But, as etymologist Joy Rea has suggested, it could also be read as explanation, in which they indicate that they have heard the New World was called America, and the only explanation lay in Vespucci's name.
Their substitution of Americus for the well-known Latinization Albericus might mean that they wanted a Latinization that would fit and explain the name America which they had already heard applied to the New World. The Indians in the Caribbean did have a word for the mainland, given in the LexicografA­a Antillana (Antillean Dictionary, 1931) as babeque and defined as the name that Columbus understood the Indians to say when they were pointing to a land beyond Haiti and Cuba. It constitutes an incredible Anglicization of the New World a€” and would, for obvious reasons, infuriate Carew.
He purportedly gave one of the islands he explored to a friend, another to his barber, and also promised some Italian friars that they could be bishops. However, even if the name America were known in Bristol in 1497, Hudd has taken a majestic leap to suggest Ameryk's name as its origin.
That map has been referred to in various circles as America's birth certificate, and for good reasona€”it is the first document on which the name America appears. He was born near Freiburg, Germany, sometime in the 1470s, and died in the canon house at Saint-DieI? in 1522.
That map, printed on twelve separate sheets from wood block plates, when assembled would measure more than 4 1a?„2 feet by 8 feet in dimension. However, the group also had acquired a recent French translation of the important work Insuper aquattor Amerigo Vespuccii navigationes, Amerigo Vespucci's letter detailing his purported four voyages across the Atlantic Ocean to America between 1497 and 1504. Instead, in the 1513 atlas the name America does not appear anyplace in the volume, and the place of America is referred to as Terra Incognita (Unknown land). This single surviving copy of the map exists because it was kept in a portfolio by Johannes SchoI?ner (1477-1547), a German globe maker, who probably had acquired a copy of the map for his own cartographic work. Throughout the twentieth century the Library continued to express interest in and a desire to acquire the 1507 map, when, if ever, it was made available for sale. Through the combined efforts of several Library of Congress specialists, and many other members of the Library's staff over an 11 year period, the map has made its way to the Library of Congress. The map serves as a departure point in the development of the American cartographic collection in addition to its revered position in early modern cartographic history. The mapa€™s well announced acquisition provides us an extraordinary opportunity to appreciate the earliest of early depictions of our modern world. The Library of Congress is proud to have obtained this unique treasure and is anxious to have this great cartographic document receive the public acclaim and the critical scholarly inspection that it so rightly merits. This call for further scholarship on the map, its impact, and the sources used to produce it is not meant to suggest that previous scholarship is lacking.
Both the globe and the large world map were doubtless printed in large numbers and widely distributed.
It is this reference that the Prince of Liechtenstein, as noted above, has taken as a reference to the gore map, a copy of which is in his collection. Although a text on WaldseemA?llera€™s later wallmap, the Carta Marina (1516), says that 1,000 copies of the 1507 wall-map were made, it is unlikely that this number were issued, given the survival rate of the one bound copy now in the Library of Congress.a€? The globe map and book had an enormous influence on other geographers, notably Appian, SchA¶ner and Fries, and advanced the science of globe-making and map making particularly in Germany and the Low Countries.
The Kraus-Bavarian State Library copy -- in 1960 at Sothebya€™s in London, a set of the gores was offered bound into a Ptolemy atlas of 1486.
The Offenburg copy -- following the publicity regarding the acquisition of the copy above by the Bavarian State library in 1992, in 1993 two researchers, Dr. The present example was discovered in February 2003 when the owner, on reading an article in the Frankfurter Algemeinen Zeitung on the Munich copy, realized he owned a similar map amongst his large collection of books and ephemera.
To present the various strands of information relating to the genesis, execution and influences of the WaldseemA?ller gores, the following timeline brings together the principal events in the lives of WaldseemA?ller, Ringmann, Vespucci and their circles. The globe was first discovered in an antiques shop on the Quai Voltaire in Paris around 1854 by a New York architect named Richard Morris Hunt. Despite this fact, what makes the Lenox globe extremely important, indeed revolutionary, is that it depicts the continent of South America as a separate island-like continent.
He argued that this globe was not part of the a€?cartographical familya€? with roots in Portuguese sources a€“ such as the Cantino (#306) and Caveri (#307) maps However, closer examination requires a major reassessment of that conclusion because the historical context and other cartogcaphic evidence imbedded in the Lenox Globe suggest that it is indeed of Portuguese origin, or inspiration, or was made to convey Lisbona€™s political perspective on discoveries in the New World. Harrisse correctly predicted in 1892 that the Stobnicza map was a derivative of the WaldseemA?ller world map of 1507 and argued that if and when it could be found, it also would show this same continuous unbroken coastline. However, it is probable that among the unnamed scholars was the agent Henry Stevens himself who stated that he favored the date of 1506-1507 in an undated letter in the possession of The New York Public Library. For example, Emerson Fite and Archibald Freeman in their folio-sized work entitled A Book of Old Maps published in 1921 by Harvard University Press essentially repeated much of what De Costa had said more than forty years earlier.
These scholars were not entirely convinced that these maps and globes (including especially the Lenox Globe) were a€?provocative geographical cartoonsa€? as Lawrence Bergreen claims in his book on Magellana€™s famous voyage. He suggested that the Lenox Globe had a€?some connectiona€? with the voyage of Vespucci in 1501-1502 to South America in the service of the Portuguese King Manuel. The western coast of South America is drawn here, as in other maps that were constructed before the news of Magellana€™s circumnavigation had arrived in Europe, laid down not by direct observation but by estimation.
Of course the simple fact that an instrument of this kind represents the condition of geographical knowledge at a certain period does not infallibly prove that it was produced at that particular period. On the Lenox Globe, however, Newfoundland appears as an island, though without any name, and at the same time no part of continental North America is laid down. In fact, the entire continent is laid down, though apart from the Lenox Globe, no analogous representation is found before that of the SchA¶ner Globe, 1520 (#328). Nevertheless the Lenox Globe gives all of South America, the drawing alone rendering it probable that the draughtsman was not unacquainted with the configuration of Terra del Fuego. Good reasons also exist for believing that Africa was accepted as the a€?modela€? for South America. To the northward of this island is another, called Madagascar, though the true Madagascar is laid down in its proper place without any name. This may be done by moving the great nameless island into the position occupied by Australia on the modern maps, carrying with it Certina, the so-called Madagascar, and the three islands without name. From Lelewela€™s sketch of map of Idrisi (#219) it is evident that the region including Java was perfectly well known in 1154.
In fact he made too long and too sudden a stride towards the truth to be followed, though Lelewel, while severely criticizing his work, admits that some of his delineations were not equaled for many years after. The delineation of the Asian coast using the a€?Tiger Lega€? configuration carries on the tradition also employed by the Behaim Globe, and the Marlellus, King Hamy, WaldseemA?ller, Roselli, and Contarini maps. In this region, near the equatorial line, is seen Hc Svnt Dracones, or here are the Dagroians, described by Marco Polo as living in the Kingdom of Dagroian.
In the work entitled Globus Mundus, printed at Strasburg, 1509, the suggestion occurs again, Hylacomilas, evidently repeating himself. To break the force of this, Humboldt refers to the fact that Cadamosto calls the west coast of Africa Altro mondo. The separation, however, on the map in question proves that it could not have been the work of Columbus, as it has been shown repeatedly that Columbus died in the belief that there was no separation. Third: It is the oldest instrument of any kind showing the entire continent of South America. And this connection, if correct, would suggest that a 1510-1511 date might be too conservative, especially when De Costa himself drew attention to one crucial fact. As far as direct European knowledge of the west coast of South America which was implicit in the Lenox Globe, NordenskiA¶ld hesitated, even though in 1884 he had on his own discovered a fabulous set of globe gores very similar to the WaldseemA?ller globe gores that conveys the continenta€™s the distinctive ice cream- cone shape. The main reason that he shifted was that he was heavily influenced by the discovery in the 1890s of four copies of the WaldseemA?ller 1507 world map made by Heinrich Loritti (Glareanus).
By the time the Ruysch map appeared, the Portuguese had established a presence in South Asia (India), which this map reflects. It conveys or mixes the sophistication of the 1507 WaldseemA?ller map with respect to the southern continent, with a retarded perception of the new lands in the northern hemisphere that lay within the Spanish maritime zone. The Maggiolo world map (#316), which dates to January 1511, is the last known map to contain this curious geographical feature.
According to Robert King it offers a clue as to where Thomas More located his Utopia, and may provide a cosmographic explanation for the Jave la Grande of the Dieppe school of maps. The names are in French, and it is adorned with Fleur de Lis, but most probably has been translated from the work of some Spanish Navigator, whose discovery being forgotten, left room for the new discoveries of the English and French Navigators. Petherick, Commonwealth Parliamentary Archivist, historian, collector of Australiana and bibliographer, whose name is commemorated in the Petherick Reading Room of the National Library of Australia. It is five inches in diameter and made of copperplate, manufactured probably in France to form the central feature of an astronomical clock or armillary sphere, like the Jagiellonian Globe. WaldseemA?llera€™s America referred to what later became known as South America, as the continental extent of the lands later known as North America was not understood in 1507.
The formula AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA would indicate a common authorship, and therefore a French origin, for the Tross Gores and the Jagiellonian Globe. The relevant phrase on the Jagellonian globe is America novitert reperta [America, land newly discovered]. However, there is no way such a mistaken attribution to a island in the Indian Ocean could have been made if the maker of the Jagellonian Globe had in his possession the world map or globe gores made at St. Amerigo set out from Lisbon in May 1503 in an unsuccessful attempt to reach Malacca (Melaka) by sailing westwards. In sum, the Jagellonian borrowed directly from the Lenox Globe which does not refer to America.
On the earliest of the Dieppe maps, that of Jean Mallard of c.1536-1540, La Catigare is located on that part of the Terre Australe occupied on later Dieppe maps by Jave la Grande.
SchA¶ner said that his source of geographical information was the Newe Zeytung auss Presillg Landt [New Tidings from the Brazilish Land], printed in Augsburg, probably in 1514 and compiled from reports on the recent discoveries sent back to the Fugger banking house in Augsburg from their agents in Madeira. Pohl went further and also argued that the globe in all probability was made in the immediate wake of the publication in Italy in 1505 of Vespuccia€™s letters concerning his four voyages ostensibly addressed to the Florentine leader, Piero Soderini.
Despite his personal fascination with European, especially Norse or Viking expeditions to the New World prior to 1492, Pohl declared in that footnote that while he was impressed by the accurate placement of the endpoint of South America at about 56 degrees latitude south in both the Lenox and Jagellonian globes, he concluded that this was a€?accidentala€? and that the depiction of a west coast was a€?imaginarya€?. Another contributor to this volume, Professor Uta Lingren (University of Bayreuth) preferred the 1511-1512 date.
We do know that Lenox Globe reflects the island-like conception or model for the new continent that in fact was articulated in Cosmographiae Introductio, in sharp contrast to Vespuccia€™s remarks in Mundus Novus.
Again, when we take all the facts into account, the analysis continues to point to the time period between 1503 and 1507 for the creation of the Lenox Globe. Fourth, the maker of the Lenox Globe was still not aware of the Spanish and also English exploration of significant coastline of the North American continent which we already find reflected in the Cantino and Caveri maps made by 1504 (#306 and #307).
We believe that he made that decision based on inside knowledge which suggested to him that if he took the clearly safer route and followed closely this largely barren, mountainous coastline further northward, then he was not going to reach Asia and the Moluccas. The knowledge that the region associated with the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean was a vast a€?cul-de-saca€? or a gulf - il grand golfo as both Peter Martyr and Vespucci described it - supplied the prime motivation behind Magellana€™s attempt to reach Asia in the alternative fashion that he proposed. A copy of this letter is in the possession of the Rare Book Division (Reserve Room) of The New York Public Library. It is now a prized possession of the New York Public Library, of which the Lenox Library now forms a part. This volume contained twelve sheets, each 21 x 30 inches, which when laid together disclosed a large map of the world 4 feet 6 inches by 8 feet, which was designated by one of its own inscriptions a carta marina, dated on its own face 1516, and bore the name of Martin WaldseemA?ller as author. Henry Harrisse had made this conjecture in his Discovery of North America, which he published when the world was celebrating the 400th anniversary of the discovery of America. As farmers usually mark off and divide their farms by boundary lines, so it has been our endeavor to mark the chief countries of the world by the emblems of their rulers. While certainly not the only large world map produced during this dynamic era of exploration, the Universalis Cosmographia was one of the first large engraved and printed maps to depict the recent Spanish and Portuguese discoveries of the Mundus Novus.
Much of what Vespucci claimed to have seen on this and other voyages was later called into question by both his contemporaries and, later, by historians.
He wrote a letter describing his third voyage that was circulated throughout Europe as a tract called Mundus Novus [The New World], and later was included by WaldseemA?ller in his Cosmographia Introductio (the Solderini letter, see illustration below). To avoid confusion hereafter the main portion of the map will be referred to as the a€?world mapa€?, designating the two small representations of the eastern and western hemispheres, placed above the world map, as the a€?insetsa€?. The term used by some of the map-makers, Land of Brasil, was confusing, for Brasil was the name of an imaginary island located somewhere in the Atlantic, according to popular belief, when there had been no thought of a continent.
Walter Lud, Secretary to the Duke, and a wealthy man, had established a printing press at St. And at the mouth of the Orinoco River is the following: All this is sweet water, a statement based upon the well-known story of Columbusa€™ discovery of the fresh water of the Orinoco River (there is the same reference found on the Bartholomew Columbus map (#304) which has Mar de aqua dolce along the northeastern shores of South America). In other words, on his 1507 map, WaldseemA?ller unmistakably showed that in his own mind he ascribed proof of the existence of the new continent to the Portuguese voyage of Amerigo (the a€?thirda€? of the a€?four voyagesa€?), and that Columbus never detoured from his conviction that he had actually reached the shores of Asia (accepting the longitudinally shortened world of Ptolemy, et al), and that it was the acceptance of Amerigoa€™s proof of its existence more so than Amerigoa€™s supposed priority which caused him to name the new continent America.
However, as can be seen above on Plate I of the world map, the two continents are inexplicably separated by a hypothetical strait, connecting the two great oceans. Contarini (#308) and Ruysch (#313) distinctly record their belief on their maps that the contemporary explorers had reached China, as does the Columbus map and the letter of Columbus explanatory of his fourth voyage record the same view (#303, #304). Curiously enough, though, while accepting the Portuguese delineation of the New World and South Africa, WaldseemA?ller reverts to the Ptolemaic conception of North Africa and Asia as refined and expressed by Martellus, rejecting the more accurate rendering of contemporaries such as Caveri.
A third instance, in the east, is the land of Cathay, and all of southern India beyond 180 degrees of longitude. The transmission of the Cantino-Caveri concept through the members of this notable group created one of the mainstreams of interest in the history of cartography.
Thus this ingenious geographer not only preserved the geographical concepts of WaldseemA?ller, but also carried the representation of hemispheres a step further by the experimental construction in 1510 of the first known maps of the northern and southern hemispheres on a circumpolar projection. The world picture in the maps and globe of 1507 - the representation, that is, of an American landmass widely separated from the Asian coast with Japan lying between the two - had become the accepted canon in geographic theory and cartographic expression. The new picture compiled from these varied elements and presented to the literate world in printed form became a factor of the highest importance in developing a new concept of the earth and its divisions, rendering obsolete the Ptolemaic geography that had been accepted and revered since the second century of the Christian era. In 2005, this treasured map was inscribed in UNESCO's Memory of the World Register, and is the first document in the United States to be so honored. By the time we are adults it lingers vaguely in most of us, along with images of wave-tossed caravels and forests peopled with naked cannibals.
They were of course preceded by the pre-historic Asian forebears of Native Americans, who migrated across some ice-bridge in the Bering Straits or over the stepping stones of the Aleutian Islands. The 1497 voyage by John Cabot to the Labrador coast of Newfoundland constitutes yet another discovery of the American mainland, which led to an early 20th-century account of the naming of America, recently revived, that claims the New World was named after an Englishman (Welshman, actually) called Richard Amerike.
To rob people or countries of their names is to set in motion a psychic disturbance which can in turn create a permanent crisis of identity.
Vespucci was probably in Seville in 1492 when Columbus was preparing for his first historic voyage, as well as in 1493 when Columbus returned. In 1508 the house appointed him piloto mayor (pilot major, or chief navigator), a post of great responsibility, which included the examination of the pilots' and ships' masters' licenses for voyages. Pohl's biography, Amerigo Vespucci, Pilot Major (1944), and GermA?n Arciniegas's Amerigo and the New World (1955; tr. Addressed to his patron, Lorenzo de' Medici, the Mundus Novus (New World) a€” the title alone revolutionizing the European conception of the cosmos a€” was translated from the Italian into Latin, and originally printed in Vienna; the other letter, addressed to the gonfaloniere (chief magistrate) of Florence, Piero Soderini, was a more elaborate work.
Since Vespucci took part as navigator, he certainly cannot have been inexperienced; however, it seems unlikely that he had made a previous voyage, though this matter remains unresolved. In all likelihood the ships took a quick run still farther south, along the coast of Patagonia to the Golfo de San JuliA n or beyond.
The entire New World portion of the map roughly represents South America, and when later mapmakers added North America, they retained the original name; in 1538, the great geographer Gerard Mercator gave the name America to all of the western hemisphere on his mappamundi. In ignoring the possible intention of these words as explanation, most scholars have ignored the simple fact that place names usually originate informally in the spoken word and first circulate that way, not in the printed word.
Why did they ignore the common law in the naming of new lands: the use of the last names of explorers and the first names of royalty? It is almost certain that Columbus first heard the name of the mountains pronounced by a Carib. Las Casas believed for a while that this must be Jamaica, but later decided it was the name for the mainland. No proof exists to substantiate his claim that Cabot actually honored the Welshman by naming America after him. It is also the first map to depict a separate and full Western Hemisphere and the first map to represent the Pacific Ocean as a separate body of water.
The large map is an early sixteenth-century masterpiece, containing a full map of the world, two inset maps showing separately the Western and Eastern Hemispheres, illustrations of Ptolemy and Vespucci, images of the various winds, and extensive explanatory notes about selected regions of the world. In that work, Vespucci concluded that the lands reached by Columbus in 1492, and explored by Columbus and others over the ensuing two decades, was indeed a segment of the world, a new continent, unknown to Europe.
In the1516 Carta Marina, South America is called Terra Nova (New World), and North America is named Cuba, and is shown to be part of Asia. That portfolio contained not only the unique copy of the 1507 world map, but also a unique copy of WaldseemuI?ller's 1516 large wall map (the Carta Marina) and copies of SchoI?ner's terrestrial (1515) and celestial (1517) globe gores. In 1999, Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg notified the Library that the German national government and the Baden-WuI?rttemberg state government had granted permission for a limited export license. The map provides a meaningful link between our treasured late medieval-early Renaissance cartographic collection (which includes one of the richest holdings of Ptolemy atlases in the world) and the modem cartographic age unfolding as a result of the explorations of Columbus and other discoverers in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Major segments of this world map have not received the concentrated scrutiny that the American segments have received. WaldseemA?ller states in a legend on his marine chart of 1516 (#328.1) that he had printed his map of 1507 in one thousand copies, but only one of which is now known to exist.
WaldseemA?ller and Ringmann started work on a new edition of Ptolemy's Geographia that was to combine Ptolemaic maps with a new set of modern maps.
By 1890, it had been acquired by the Prince of Liechtenstein and studies by Gallois dated it to 1507 following the realization that it was the lost globe described in the St.
References to accurate factual information are principally taken from 19th century sources, much of the 20th century work on the subject being a reiteration of earlier work by Humboldt, Da€™Avezac-Macaya, Fischer, Varnhagen and Harisse. In the late 1860s Henry Stevens, an agent for James Lenox and other collectors of rare books and other historical artifacts, became aware of this special globe and recognized its historical significance. We can even detect the suggestion of a cone-shape in the lower latitudes below the equator and a cape or water passage at the far southern end.
Given his perspicacity, it remains odd that the Lenox Globe with its distinct image of the South America as a real a€?islanda€? - totally disconnected from other landmasses - and with no depiction of North America at all a€“ was still not enough to persuade Harrisse to date the globe prior to 1507.
Stevens must have taken this position by the late 1870s, because an entry under a€?Globesa€? in the Encyclopedia Britannica edition of 1879 quotes him as assigning the date of 1506-1507 to the Lenox Globe. This total separation from Asia is exactly the cartographic projection we find on the Lenox Globe. And De Costa astutely pointed to Vespuccia€™s repeated assertion in Mundus Novus that he had reached 50 degrees below the equator which means the Italian navigator would have fallen just short of the strait by only two degrees on this voyage.
Under peculiar circumstances, it would be possible for an instrument like this to possess many of the marks which indicate an early origin, simply through the failure of the designer to incorporate the results of the latest explorations, concerning which he might have been ignorant; but this suggestion, in order to have any weight in the present case, should be supported by some proof of such ignorance. In Peter Martyra€™s work (Legatio Babylonicd) of the following year, Florida appears as Beimeni, while the Stobnicza map in the Ptolemy of 1512 (#319), gives a rough view of North America, similar to that found in the Ptolemy of 1513 (#320). This circumstance might, therefore, lead some to conclude that the globe originated at a late period.
How, then, could the globe-maker have known that South America terminated in such a form near latitude 55A° S.? But it is by no means unreasonable to suppose that the termination of South America was known in 1510, even though its circumnavigation had apparently not been accomplished. Perhaps it is not too much to believe that this globe has some connection with the third voyage of Vespucci, which brought him to the latitude of the Straits of Magellan. When this is done, the student will have before him a tolerable indication of the geography of that region. In the 13th century Marco Polo traveled with a map of the world in his hand, by the aid of which he appears to have described Madagascar. The a€?Tiger Lega€? is Catigara which was the name given on earlier Ptolemaic maps to the land on the easternmost shore of the Mare Indicum, south of the equator.
These people, as once charged against the Irish, feasted upon the dead and picked their bones. That country is called TERRA SANCTO CRVCIS, as upon the Ruysch map, and MVNDVS Novvs, a name given by Sandacourt, a Canon of St. The name occurs in SchA¶nera€™s Luculentissima, etc., 1515, but the idea that it was generally used is a mistake. It is probable that he had resolved upon this course before Columbus died, while there is nothing whatever to indicate that Vespucci took any action to secure the honor awarded to him, or even that, any more than Columbus, he was solicitous upon the subject. This, however, he confesses is a mere adaptation of the old classic use, the alter orbis of Pomponius, Mela and Strabo. The Genoese, at the end of Cuba, on his second voyage, required his companions to declare on oath that Cuba was not an island the person maintaining the contrary being liable to a fine of ten thousand maravedis, and to have his tongue cut out. Fourth: It is the oldest instrument showing that the discoveries of Columbus formed no part of the Asiatic Continent, and that America was absolutely Mvndvs Novvs, or the New World.
That fact is the absence of America on the globe as a name for the new continent - a name which caught on quickly at least in Italy and northern Europe after Cosmographiae Introductio was published in many editions following the first edition in St Die in eastern France in April, 1507. Glareanus states that he had followed the projections of WaldseemA?ller whose large map still had not been found but whose globe gores were well known since the early 1870s. The other crucial factor that Fite and Freeman cite as in favor of an earlier date prior to 1508 is the fact that the Lenox Globe does not show any portion of the North American mainland - meaning, as observed earlier, that the maker of the little globe was still wedded to the Ptolemaic concept of only one ocean separating Europe and Asia. Although there is in fact a curl in that direction, it is quite exaggerated on the globe which is a strong hint that someone wanted to be sure that others would conclude that the cape or strait fell inside the Portuguese maritime zone as defined by the Treaty of Tordesillas of 1494.


In the interview, Petherick referred to the work of Tadeusz Estreicher, a professor at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland.
On both globes South America is shown, bearing the names MUNDUS NOVUS, TERRA SANCTAE CRUCIS and TERRA DE BRAZIL. This conclusion becomes a certainty when we find that on the Jagiellonian Globe the island bears the inscription: AMERICA-NEWLY-DISCOVERED]. The fact remains, the Lenox Globe and the Jagiellonian Globe are evidence that there was an authoritative map made around 1507-1508 that showed, albeit mistakenly, a continental land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere.
Having gone with Amerigo as far as the farthest point he reached (ad fines postremae navigationis) on the coast of the new continent, Hythlodaeus left the expedition and after passing through unknown lands proceeded on to the Portuguese base at Calicut in India by way of Taprobana (Ceylon, present day Sri Lanka) discovering the fabulous island of Utopia on the way. The reverse sequence - the notion that a€“ the Lenox Globe could appear after the Jagellonian Globe, the WaldseemA?ller map and also the many editions of Cosmographiae Introductio a€“ and deliberately drop the name America - makes no sense whatsoever.
On the Harleian mappemonde, CATIGARA is not to be found on the western coast of IAVE LA GRANDE but, as noted by Petherick, is located on the western coast of LA TERRE:DVBRESILL, indicating a pre-Magellanic lack of knowledge of the existence of the Pacific Ocean and the notional character of IAVE LA GRANDE. And last but not least, he refused to follow or more likely did not know of the decision at St. All the foregoing analysis means that Magellana€™s main claim to fame as a navigator rests not with the discovery of the strait - an achievement which he disavowed - but to his bold decision like that of Columbus in 1492 to cross an ocean whose real breadth was unknown. The small globe is composed of two copper-engraved hemispheric sections closely fitted along the equator, as in the case of the Ulpius Globe (#367), and pierced for an axis.
There were twelve other sheets of the same size in the book, making another world map but containing no authora€™s name or date. And (to begin with our own continent) in the middle of Europe we have placed the eagles of the Roman Empire (which rule the Kings of Europe) and with the key (which is the symbol of the Holy Father), we have enclosed almost the whole of Europe, which acknowledges the Roman Church. In that letter, Vespucci proposed that the new lands ought to be called a a€?New World, because none of those countries were known to our ancestors .
In the western hemisphere inset the two Americas are shown as a continuous landmass firmly joined together by an isthmus, unlike the representation in the world map where the two continents are inexplicably separated by a strait.
Die that he prepared the treatise Cosmographia Introductio, which presented this description of itself: An Introduction to Cosmography, together with some principles of Geometry necessary to the purpose. Both the inset and the world map illustrate another important feature, the representation of a great ocean even broader than the Atlantic, between the New World and Asia. However, this view is not supported on the WaldseemA?ller map either by the place-names found in the area of the new discoveries, or by the overall visual image presented by the placement of the new discoveries as totally separated by some distance from Asia.
One difference being that the WaldseemA?ller map is basically a a€?land mapa€™ and the interiors are somewhat filled-in, whereas the Caveri chart is basically a portolano, or nautical chart, with little or no interior detail. This Ptolemaic basis results in giving the map an extremely exaggerated representation of the eastern extension of Asia; in fact, the landmass of the Old World, alone, extends through some 230 degrees of longitude. All these we have added to the earlier known places, so that those who are fond of things of this sort may gaze upon all that is known to us of the present day, and may approve of out painstaking labors. In 1512 appeared, far away in Cracow, Poland, in the Introductio in Ptholomei Cosmographia of Johannes de Stobnicza, the inset hemispheres of the 1507 map, copied and reprinted by the Polish scholar without reference to their source (#319).
From it evolved, indeed, today's concept of the geographical divisions of the continents and islands, and of the great waters that form our earth.
A black African discovery of America, it has been argued, took place around 3,000 years ago, and influenced the development of Mayan, Aztec, and Inca civilizations. The naming of America, then, becomes essential to a full understanding of our history and cultural values a€” ourselves a€” especially when considered in terms of the range of theories about the origin of the name. Subsequently, according to Marcou's account, Vespucci changed his Christian name from Alberico to Amerigo.
Amalrich, which literally meant work ruler, or designator of tasks, might be freely translated as master workman.
Moreover, as a reflection of national pride, a theory native to Hungary argues that the European explorers of the New World (or their priests) named it after this popular saint, in the old tradition of bestowing place names in honor of saints. He also had to prepare the official map of newly discovered lands and of the routes to them (for the royal survey), interpreting and coordinating all data that the captains were obliged to furnish. Harriet de OnA­s) are among the best efforts that dispel the shadows to which he was relegated by those who maligned his fame.
In the voyage of 1499a€“1500, Vespucci would seem to have left Hojeda after reaching the coast of what is now Guyana (Carew's homeland). His published letters had fallen into the hands of these German scholars, among whom was the young cartographer Martin WaldseemA?ller. WaldseemA?ller's 1507 map, lost to scholars until 1901 when it was found in a German castle, is now reckoned to be the first to show the name, and the earliest record of its use.
Moreover, to read the passage in the Cosmographiae Introductio as explanation lends credence to the theory, argued by Carew, Marcou, and others, that the early European explorers called the new continent Amerrique or, perhaps, another name with a similar pronunciation. Their ignoring it, Rea claims, further supports the idea that they were trying to force an explanation and that the only one they could think of was a Latinization of Vespucci's first name. Columbus, who met the Indians of this coast, presumably heard the name Amerrique from them: he was looking for gold and the Indians gave him some, telling him he could get more to the west in the mountains there. Amerrique, therefore, must derive from a Carib word, possibly one of the Carib culture words a€” not a word in the Mayan language, which was not spoken in Nicaragua, though it almost resembles in sound the Quiche Mayan iq' amaq'el meaning perpetual wind.
The purchase of the map concluded a nearly century long effort to secure for the Library of Congress that very special cartographic document revealing new European thinking about the world nearly 500 years ago.
Waldseemullera€™s 1507 map was a bold statement that rationalized the modern world in light of the exciting news arriving in Europe as a result of explorations sponsored by Spain, Portugal, and othersa€”not only across the Atlantic Ocean, but around the African coast and into the Indian Ocean.
Because of Vespucci's recognition of that startling revelation, he was thus honored by the use of his name for the newly discovered continent. Sometime later in history, the family of Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg acquired and retained Schoner's portfolio in their castle in Baden-Wurttemberg, Germany, where it remained unknown to scholars until the beginning of the twentieth century when its extraordinary contents were revealed. Having obtained this license, which allowed this German national treasure to come to the Library of Congress, the Prince pursued an agreement to sell the 1507 map to the Library. Although it is likely that the simple globe gores, their model or a€?marquettea€™ of the New World view, would have been available with each issue of the Cosmographiae, the large 12 sheet wall-map, would have been too expensive to be sold as widely.
They were provided with at least six printed editions and certainly several manuscript versions of the Geographia.
The notoriety and mystery that has surrounded both the globe, map and large wall-map has often concentrated on the naming of America, but in truth, given that they named South America after Vespucci, who had sailed furthest around it, it is not unreasonable.
Vera Sack found a third example of the gores inserted into a copy of Aristotle published in Freiburg in 1541. In 1869, he persuaded Hunt to permit the Coast Survey Bureau in Washington DC to make an accurate facsimile projection which has been used by many subsequent scholars. Unfortunately, we have not been able to find any explanation from Stevens as to why he chose this date. For all these reasons, De Costa at several points in his essay conveyed his strong suspicion that the Portuguese learned a great deal more about the continenta€™s configuration in the years that followed and well before Magellana€™s expedition. Respecting the points on which the globe gives no light, information was, nevertheless, so wide-spread in 1511 as to render it difficult to believe that any globe or map maker of the period could have failed to know of its existence. The very early map attributed to Leonardo da Vinci (#327) shows Florida as an island, but since the map was not published, no inference can be drawn from it.
If, however, it were to be argued that the Lenox Globe belongs to a period subsequent to SchA¶ner, it might be necessary to assign its date to the 16th century. How, in fact, could he have known that it terminated at all, especially since sketches later than 1515, with one or two unimportant exceptions, represented Terra del Fuego as joined to a great continent, supposed to cover the entire region around the south pole? Peter Martyr, writing to the Pope in 1514, seems to have a definite view of the shape of South America quite in advance of published maps.
Since, however, this part of the Indian Ocean contains no such vast island, and since Australia does not appear in its proper place, it has been suggested by De Costa that, though we do so with extreme diffidence, that Australia is represented by the great island in question, which was misplaced; while the so-called Madagascar and Certina are simply Sumatra and Java. Borneo and Celebes (called Java Minor by Ramusio), having their proper place, New Guiana, without any name, also appearing. At that period the great island of Australia, lying close to well-known islands, could hardly have remained unknown to geographers.
At the same time the maker of the globe, in common with Sylvanus, in forming the outline of what we venture to offer as Australia, appear to have made a certain use of those outlines characteristic of the Java Major of the Fra Mauro map and the Behaim Globe (#249 and #258), which lay on the east coast of Asia.
Loac is the Locac of Marco Polo, and Seilan is the Borneo of our day, the former name having been taken from its proper place near India to make room for Taprobana, which was often applied to Sumatra.
568), believes it necessary to refute what Sebastian Munster said in his Cosmography, to the effect that it sometimes falleth out that Mariners, thinking the Whales to be Islands, and casting out ankers vpon their backs, are often in danger of drowning.
Die, when he framed the title of the Latin version of Vespuccia€™s letter, which described Brasil.
The name was first published on a map made by WaldseemA?ller in 1507 (#310) and later by Appianus, 1520 (#331), in the work of Gamers, but the Ptolemy of 1513, in a legend on the map made by Hylocomilus himself (#320), attributes the discovery of the new world to Columbus.
He then shifts the argument, and shows that Peter Martyr in 1493-4, while speaking of the novis orbis, did not recognize its separation from Asia, and that this use was long continued.
And the date of April 1510 on one of these Glareanus copies made it impossible for the Baron to support von Wiesera€™s attempt to push these maps to the 1520s. This strange level of ignorance on both points seems puzzling for any map or globe made as late as 1510- 1512, and defies a good explanation. Professor Estreicher described a globe which he dated to between 1509 and 1511 held in the Library of the University. De Costa noted a large land mass depicted in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere, unnamed on the Lenox Globe and suggested, a€?with extreme diffidencea€?, that this land represented Australia, misplaced to this location. The Jagiellonian Globe shows that its maker believed this continent to have been the New World discovered by Amerigo. Is it possible that this globe-maker was simply confused because he did not have the benefit of the world map and only had a copy of Cosmographiae Introductio in front of him? This placed the land discovered by Amerigo and the island of Utopia which lay contiguous to it to the south of Taprobana and India. When we also note that the Lenox Globe was made by someone who amazingly still seems to be in the total dark about basic geographical knowledge concerning North America a€“ well-known by 1507 to many scholars, not just those involved with WaldseemA?ller - then this would lend considerable weight to the conclusion that the Lenox Globe should date to a time period prior to or no later than Cosmographiae Introductio and the WaldseemA?ller map - namely, to the 1503-1507 period as Fite and Freeman argued in 1926. In other words, the Brazilish Land, Presillg Landt, was differentiated from Brazil proper, otherwise known as America.
Given her exclusively technical approach to this globe, she complained about the bending of the tip of the continent towards the east, but it never occurred to her than this feature might have been part of an attempt to deceive, an effort to spread disinformation to make persons think that a cape would fall on the Portuguese side of the maritime demarcation line established in 1494. Die that became widely known after April 1507 to baptize the New World as America in honor of Vespucci who had re-entered Spanish service in early 1505.
The greater part of Africa and a part of Asia we have distinguished by crescents, which are the emblems of the Sultan of Babylonia, the Lord of all Egypt, and of a part of Asia.
To the east of the continent in the inset is the Atlantic, to the west is another great sea with the island Zipangri [Japan, Marco Poloa€™s Zipangu] nearly in the middle of it but closer to the American continent than to the Asian. Mundus Novus [New World] and Terra Incognita [Unknown Land] were less real names than descriptions, though for many years these last two terms were quite prevalent on maps showing new discoveries.
The duke and several professors in the college used this press in their geographical project. The decision to display a large expanse of ocean west of the New World discoveries was, of course, pure conjecture on the part of WaldseemA?ller since, in 1507, the discoveries of Balboa and Magellan were still a few years off in the future.
On the other hand, navigators unknown to modern historians, may have sailed along the coast of Florida at this time. This lack of any substantive modification, of the Far East especially, is understandable in light of the scarcity of verifiable reports from this region and the focus of popular attention on both Africa and the New World.
This one request we have to make, that those who are inexperienced and unacquainted with cosmography shall not condemn all this before they have learned that it will surely be clearer to them later on, when they have come to understand it. To question the origin of America's name is to question the nature of not only our history lessons but our very identity as Americans. The records of Scandinavian expeditions to America are found in sagas a€” their historic cores encrusted with additions made by every storyteller who had ever repeated them. The two men eventually became friends; Columbus later wrote that he trusted Vespucci and held him in high esteem. Vespucci, who obtained Spanish citizenship, held this position until his death in Seville in 1512. Nonetheless, both biographers disagree about the authenticity of his two published letters, key documents in a dramatic controversy: Arciniegas accepts them as genuine, whereas Pohl rejects them as forgeries. In the first series of documents, four voyages by Vespucci are described; in the second, only two. Turning south, he is believed to have discovered the mouth of the Amazon River and explored the coast of present-day Brazil. This voyage is of fundamental importance in the history of geography in that Vespucci himself became convinced that the lands he had explored were not part of Asia but a New World. Inspired to publish a new geography that would embrace the New World, the group collectively authored a revision of Ptolemy, which included a Latin translation of Vespucci's purported letter to Soderini, as well as a new map of the world drawn by WaldseemA?ller. Hudd opens with a reference to Bristol's 1897 celebration of the 400th anniversary of the discovery of North America by John Cabot (Giovanni Caboto), the Italian navigator and explorer who had sailed for England, laying the groundwork for the later British claim to Canada. The map must have created quite a stir in Europe, since its findings departed considerably from the accepted knowledge of the world at that time, which was based on the second century A.D.
It is remarkable that our entire Western Hemisphere was thus named for a living person; Vespucci died in 1512. Yet, cartographic contributions by Johannes Schoner in 1515 and by Peter Apian in 1520 adopted the name America for the Western Hemisphere, and that name became part of accepted usage.
The uncovering of the 1507 map in the Wolfegg Castle early last century is thought by many to have been one of the most extraordinary episodes in the history of cartographic scholarship.
In late June 2001, Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg and the Library of Congress reached a final agreement on the sale of the map at the price of $10,000,000. Waldseemuller recognized the transition taking place, as the title of his map notes and his placement prominently of images of Ptolemy and Vespucci, next to their worlds, at the top portion of the 1507 world map denotes. In 1949, the Liechtenstein map collection was bought en bloc by the famous New York dealer H.P. The Aristotle formed part of the Grimmelshausen-Gymnasium library given to the Stadtbucherei Offenburg. At the time, Stevens hoped to conclude a purchase for the British Museum and was prepared to pay Hunt the handsome sum of A?2,000, according to Hunt's widow. To get some clue as to why that date might have made sense to Stevens we need to turn to a contemporary scholar who pondered more deeply and put his thoughts in writing as to when this globe might have been made.
The maps of 1511, 1512 and 1513 nevertheless must have been known to every intelligent person engaged in globe making, and if the Lenox Globe had been made during those years, or later, it would have reflected information published to the world. On his map is found a Latin legend, translated as follows: Portuguese mariners discovered this part of this territory, and proceeded as high as the fiftieth degree of South latitude, but without reaching its southern extremity.
Being secretly together in a chamber with the Bishop of Burgos, Martyr says that they examined many sea charts, one of which Vespucci was said to have set his hand, while another had been influenced by both Christopher and Bartholomew Columbus.
In accordance with this view, it would be necessary to conclude that, though misplaced upon the Lenox Globe, even Australia was known to the geographers of that early period.
It would appear that the Java Minor of Marco Polo, a term applied by him to Sumatra, came eventually to include the entire region. The maker of the Lenox Globe may have misunderstood his instructions, and thus pushed Australia into the Indian Ocean. In Northern India is Sacha- vvm Regno, the sugar region described in the Ptolemy of Patavino (1596). It would appear as though Milton found his own Leviathan on the page of Hakluyt, in whose works he had read the treatise signed Arngrimus Ionus.
This has been alluded to as very curious, though the course pursued by Hylacomilus was altogether consistent. The Lenox Globe appears to have been made at a time when geographers regarded the matter with unconcern, as neither Columbus nor Vespucci have any honor awarded. He forgets, however, that Martyr describes South America as land never known by the ancients. 145.) Pinzon on the first voyage understood Cuba to be a city, and that the land here was a continent of great size, which extended far to the north (First Voyage of Columbus, Boston, 1827).
That said, NordenskiA¶ld was still content in Periplus to give the Lenox Globe a date of about 1510 that just happened to be the same year for the Glareanus copies of WaldseemA?llera€™s work. Fortunately, it has survived the vicissitudes of the 20th century and is still held in the Treasury of the Jagiellonian Library, now the Muzeum Uniwersytetu Jagiellonskiego Collegium Maius. If so, a€?it would be necessary to conclude that, although misplaced upon the Lenox Globe, Australia was known to the geographers of that early perioda€?.
Not likely because Vespuccia€™s detailed letters concerning all his voyages were attached to Cosmographiae Introductio. This is just where Amerigoa€™s newly discovered land is shown on the Jagiellonian Globe, indicating that Sir Thomas More probably had such a globe before him when he wrote Utopia. The Zeytung described the voyagers passing through a strait, like the Strait of Gibraltar, between the southernmost point of America or Brazil, and a land to the South West, referred to as vndtere Presill (in Latin, Brasilia inferior). In sharp contrast, Rudolf Schmidt in the 1991 reprint of Konrad Kretschmera€™s famous 1892 atlas of facsimile maps underscored the crucial question in his brief commentary where he remarked: a€?How does the unknown author of the Lenox Globe arrive at a quite good representation of South America, if we disregard the eastward kink, which after all persisted for a long time in drawings of Africa as well?a€? Schmidt at the time was the President of the International Coronelli Society that promotes the study of globes. The part of Asia called Asia Minor we have surrounded with a saffron-colored cross joined to a branding iron, which is the symbol of the Sultans of the Turks, who rules Scythia this side of the Imaus, the highest mountains of Asia and Sarmatian Scythia.
Westward from that island is to be recognized the eastern coast of Asia, showing Catay, or Cathay, and other identifiable names. But now the fact that there was a new continent beyond the western ocean had become nearly common knowledge throughout Europe, and there was everywhere a subconscious demand for an adequate name, a universally acceptable name. In all its forms the underlying meaning was that of work; as for example, the word for work in Hebrew is amal, and in old Norse aml, the consonant sounds of which were retained in the verb moil.
In this respect, WaldseemA?ller may have been led by the maps of La Cosa, Caveri, and Cantino to believe that this was at least a possibility, for he depicts a small portion of the northern mainland extending from the narrow strait in Central America to just north of Terra Ulteria€? Incognita [Florida]. Not many interior details are shown to speak of, but a large group of natives is shown at the Cape, and above them, a large vignette of an elephant.
As can be seen, Terra Incognita replaces America and it is placed up against a frame that avoids any speculation as to the size or shape of the new continent(s). It appeared in feminine forms in Amelia and Emily; its masculine forms were Amery, Emeric, and Emery. In the face of the spurious charges that he was an ignorant usurper of the merits of others, the fact that Spain entrusted him, a foreigner, with the office of pilot major certainly bolsters his defense.
Until the 1930s the documents of the first series were considered from the point of view of the order of the four voyages. On the way back, he reached Trinidad, sighting en route the mouth of the Orinoco River, and then made for Haiti. Unlike Columbus, who, to his death, clung to the idea that he had found the shores of Asia, Vespucci defined what had indeed been found a€” and for this he has been rightfully honored. He clearly never tried to have the New World named after him or to belittle his friend Columbus.
Very different spellings for the same Carib word reflect variants that sound little like each other; thus, the variants of the name Carib are Canibe, Galibi, Caniba, Canibal and Caliban.
For his achievement Cabot received a handsome pension conferred upon him by the King, from the hands of the Collectors of Customs of the Port of Bristol. In 1479, four Bristol merchants received a royal charter to find another source of fish and trade.
The map sheets have been maintained separated (not joined, with each of the large maps comprised of twelve separate sheets) and that is the probable reason why they survived. In late May 2003, the Library completed a successful campaign to purchase Waldseemullera€™s 1507 world map, after receiving substantial Congressional and private support to achieve the terms of the contract.
37 (1985), 30-53, is an extensive airing of the date of the printing of the 1507 world map and other Waldseemuller contributions.
But how you shall understand the globe and the description of the whole world you will hereafter find out and read.a€? Harrisse thinks it probable that a real globe accompanied and was sold with this little volume. Ringmann, a supporter of Vespucci, had already published in 1505 an edition of Vespuccia€™s Mundus Novus, a vivid description of the New World which became a bestseller around Europe. The mystery of the globe map, its definition of Florida (before it was discovered by the Spanish), the Pacific (before any man had officially seen it), the coast of South America (before anyone had officially sailed along it) and the use of the name The Western Ocean in the Pacific, all suggest that the Portuguese may have been more active west of the Tordesillas Treaty Line before 1505. Kraus, however the globe map was retained and offered by the Prince at a special auction at Parke-Bernet in New York on 24 May 1950.
But before Stevens could make this offer, Hunt already had already decided to give the globe as a gift to Lenox out of admiration for him. This was the case with many of the early geographical works; but in every such instance it is easy to show that the map is not in accordance with the text, and that the map was introduced by the publisher in lieu of something better.
According to this argument, this globe, therefore, takes its place in the year 1510, or the beginning of 1511. But this question is one that may be disembarrassed, for it will not prove a difficult task to show how the globe- maker may have obtained, in 1610, the knowledge which he exhibits.
Speaking of South America, he says it reaches forth into the sea even as Italy doth, although not like the leg of a man, as it does. That this was so appears from the fact that names belonging to Java and the neighboring islands are given on maps of a later period.
The attention of the designer of the globe may have been directed to the subject by the voyage of Gonnville, who sailed from Honfleur in June 1503, for the East, and fell upon a great country, not far from the direct route to the Indies, which they called Southern India.
Near Persia is Carmenis, the Kermann of Marco Polo, who does not refer to the neighboring Calicut, or Calcutta. The history of this name, however, is not quite so clear as the others, though Navarrete calls attention to Muratoria€™s notice of the fact that brazil, signifying a red dye-wood, was an excisable article at Ferrara and Modena in 1193 and 1306. The really curious thing remains to be stated, and for the special consideration of those writers who have had so much to say about the ingratitude shown to Columbus by early geographers. Certainly Vespucci never gave the impression in these letters or in the earlier publication known as Mundus Novus that he was sailing in the Indian Ocean. A very similar globe, belonging to an astronomical clock and apparently of about the same age as the Lenox Globe, is in the library of the Jagiellon University at Cracow in Poland. There was no question whatever in the mapmaker's mind, therefore, as to the separate identities of the American and Asian continents. Here the northern coast terminates abruptly with open sea beyond approximately 50 degrees, with Newfoundland being shown as an island far to the east.
While the shape his Africa resembles reality more so than Martellusa€™, WaldseemA?ller extends the continent to beyond its actual 34 degrees South in a similarly misguided manner as Martellus with WaldseemA?llera€™s Africa reaching an inexplicable 50 degrees plus.
Gone, however, is that mysterious strait that had separated North and South America on the 1507 map.
But the question concerning the authenticity of these historic letters remains fundamental to the evaluation of Vespucci's achievement. According to the conflicting theory to which Pohl and other modern scholars subscribe, these documents should be regarded as the result of skillful, unauthorized manipulations by entrepreneurs, and the sole authentic papers would be the private letters, so that the verified voyages would be reduced to two.
Vespucci thought he had sailed along the coast of the extreme easterly peninsula of Asia, where Ptolemy, the 2nd-century Greek geographer, believed the market of Cattigara to be; so he looked for the tip of this peninsula, calling it Cape Cattigara. Nonetheless, the name America spread throughout Europe and quickly established itself through sheer force of usage.
One of these officials, the senior of the two, who was probably the person who handed over the money to the explorer, was named Richard Ameryk (also written Ap Meryke [Welsh] on one deed, and elsewhere written Amerycke) who seems to have been a leading citizen of Bristol at the time. Not until 1960 did someone find bills of trading records indicating that Richard Amerike was involved in this business. To us, the 1507 map appears remarkably accurate; but to the world of the early sixteenth century it represented a considerable departure from accepted views regarding the composition of the world. The portfolio with its great treasure was uncovered and revealed to the world in 1901 by the Jesuit priest Josef Fischer, who was conducting research in the Waldburg collection.
And from that fragile first glimpse of the world, so adequately described by WaldseemuI?ller in 1507, the Library of Congressa€™ cartographic resources provide the historical breadth and cartographic depth to fill in the geographic blanks left by those early cosmographers.
Works that have increased our knowledge about WaldseemuI?ller and the group in Saint-DieI? include: Joseph Fischer and Franz R. They exhibit the Old World, in the main, in accord with the Ptolemaic idea, and the New World with a close resemblance to the Caveri map record (#307), and that of WaldseemA?llera€™s world map of 1507.
By April 1507, WaldseemA?ller and Ringmann had completed the booklet, Cosmographiae Introductio, to accompany the globe and wall-map. Such information would have been kept secret by the Portuguese, and it is perhaps here in this globe that the secrets were first drawn up for a wider audience, particularly since Vespuccia€™s allegiance to Portugal changed when he became a Spanish citizen. The catalogue published a reserve of $50,000, but it failed to sell and was sold privately in 1954 to James Ford Bell for approximately $45,000. They were offered for sale in 1991, and purchased by the Bavarian State library in Munich for approximately 2 million DM (in excess of $1million). Hunt had a close relationship with Lenox because Lenox had hired him to design a large mansion in Manhattan to house his private collection.
After passing this year, and reaching 1520, the newly found lands are so well known as to be celebrated in an English poem, entitled the Four Elements. 7) calls attention to the fact that in the fourteenth chapter of the work, in which the map of Ruysch appears, there is a separate statement, to the effect that the Portuguese had surveyed the coast of South America as far as 37A° S., and that it was known as far as 50A° S. The Globe of Ulpius (#367) illustrates this phase of the question, Java Minor appearing as a very large island, and the true Java not being laid down at all. He also quotes from Capmanya€™s Memorias sobra la antiqua marina, commercio, y artes de Barcelona, which contains references to this wood connected with the years 1221, 1243, 1252 and 1271. The point is this, that though Ferdinand, the son of Columbus, lived until 1539, and for many years was an owner and diligent reader of the Cosmographise Introductio, which he annotated and rebound, he is not known to have written or spoken a syllable, or to have caused any one else to write so much as a word, expressive of any sense of injustice done to his father by the naming of the New World after Vespucci. It has invariably been used by mapmakers to represent the coast of North America, whatever may have been its origin. Winsor, neither of who had seen the WaldseemA?ller map of 1507, which was only discovered in 1901, fixed the date at 1508-11 and 1510-12, respectively. The globe consists of two gilded copperplate calottes, inscribed with the Eartha€™s principal features as understood at that time, including a continent inscribed AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA. The Zeytung said that Malacca was only six hundred miles from the western point of this Brazil.
A red cross symbolizes Prester John (who rules both eastern and southern India and who resides in Biberith); and finally on the fourth division of the earth, discovered by the kings of Castile and Portugal, we have placed the emblems of those sovereigns. This interpretation is similar to both Cantino and Caveri and helped keep alive the possibility of a northern access to the as yet unnamed Pacific and, of course, the riches of far Cathay. Over to the left, on Tabula Terra Nove, apparently referring to the Pearl Coast and perhaps to Honduras, we read the surprising inscription: Hec terra cum adiacentib insulis inuenta est per Columbu ianuensem ex mandato Regis Castellae [This land with the adjacent islands was discovered by Columbus of Genoa by order of the King of Castile].
Its appearance undoubtedly ignited a debate in Europe regarding its portrayal of an unknown continent (unknown to Europe and others in the Eastern Hemisphere) between two huge bodies of water, the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and separated from the classical world of Ptolemy, which had been confined to the continents of Europe, Africa, and Asia. Shortly after the appearance of the 1507 world map by Waldseemuller, Vespucci was appointed the first Pilot Major in the Spanish House of Trade (the Casa de la ContratacioI?n) in Seville, and in that capacity was responsible for navigational issues and concerns of Spanish shipping to the new western possessions, across the Atlantic. In 1903 an elaborate set of facsimiles of the 1507 and the 1516 maps accompanied by a scholarly study by Josef Fischer and Franz von Wieser appeared. The North American region is nameless, but the South American region bears conspicuously the name America.
The offering of the globe as a gift was evidently timed with the completion of the construction of this mansion in 1870. The scholar Henry Harrisse, in his Life of Fernand Colomb, also calls attention to the fact that the partisan Life of the Admiral, which has been attributed to his son, while exceedingly severe upon those who detracted from the fame of Columbus, does not mention either Hylacomilus or his book. It is the earliest surviving globe on which the name America appears, a name invented by Martin WaldseemA?ller and published in his Cosmographiae Introductio, St.
In SchA¶nera€™s 1520 globe, AMERICA had evolved into TERRA NOVA, AMERICA vel BRASILIA sive PAPAGALLI TERRA [Land of Parrots], while BRASILLIE REGIO had become BRASILIA INFERIOR (a translation of vndtere Presill).
And what is to be borne in mind, we have marked with crosses shallow places in the sea where shipwreck may be feared.
Gemma Frisius and Sebastian Munster edited versions of the latter, so that the WaldseemA?ller type, or Lusitano-Germanic Group, held the field until the advent of Mercator, Ortelius, and the Dutch school of the mid-16th century.
A statement that is in obvious conflict with the thrust of both the graphic productions of 1507 (map and globe) and the text of Introductio CosmographiA¦ referred to earlier - both prepared more or less as a testimony to Amerigo Vespucci. As soon as he was back in Spain, he equipped a fresh expedition with the aim of reaching Asia.
Thus in 1508 there existed at Rome a general understanding of the coast to within about two degrees of the entrance to the Straits of Magellan. Major discusses four maps with similar characteristics, belonging to same period, in the Hakluyt Societya€™s work on Australia, and the matter is also touched upon in his Prince Henry.
It would appear, therefore, that the indignation referred to is, upon the whole, a modern thing, of which the immediate friends of the famous Genoese had no experience. The Lenox Globe, though giving no lines of latitude, represents the coast as far south as about 55A° south latitude, the correct latitude of Cape Horn. SchA¶nera€™s 1533 globe showed the BRASILIAE REGIO as part of the TERRA AVSTRALIS, with an enormous peninsula, the REGIO PATALIS, attached to its southeastern part.
But the Spanish government did not welcome his proposals, and at the end of 1500 Vespucci went into the service of Portugal. With such facts before him, Humboldt came to the conclusion that between the years 1500 and 1508 a succession of attempts were made by the Portuguese along the coast of South America, beginning at Porto Seguro in latitude 16A° S.
Some of the geographers endeavored to set off Java, reduced to proper proportions, SchA¶ner, 1520, being amongst the number; but in the attempt Australia in some cases disappeared altogether. Moreover, it places open water to the south of this new continent and thus suggests that the water-route around South America was known before Magellan set out in 1519. Oronce Finea€™s 1531 map exhibits this cosmography, and the Dieppe maps show its further evolution, even though it was out of date by the time they were made in the 1540s and 1550s. The Cosmographiae provided an introduction to the new geography of the world as laid out in the globe and wall-map, and included a Latin translation of Vespuccia€™s four voyages. Brazil appears on a map of the 15th century, but the Catalan map of 1375 (#235) also shows an island in the Atlantic bearing the name. The SchA¶ner globes of 1515 and 1520 (#328), on which South America is separated from an Antarctic continent by a strait connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, give further evidence of this fact. Still the student is not justified, with such data, in declaring precisely how far the navigators knew the region by actual observation.
Perhaps, therefore, the Lenox Globe may be regarded as showing one of the earliest attempts to correct a misunderstanding.
The inference is that the navigators who passed along that region viewed the strait afterwards discovered by Magellan as an inlet, and that they learned from the natives the configuration of Terra del Fuego. It is reasonable, however, to conclude that the name was applied to South America, because the first navigator found there an abundance of desirable dye-wood. The Hudsona€™s Bay Company possess at their House important sketches made by the Indians; while Balboa, called the a€?Discoverer of the Pacifica€? had the Pacific discovered for him by the Cacique of Zumaco, who, upon the arrival of the Spaniard in the Bay of Panama, figured for him the coasts of Quito, and described the riches of Peru.
This was all that the Spanish and Portuguese navigators needed to have done for them by the natives of Terra del Fuego.



How do i incorporate an llc in florida
Free web proxy co.uk
Code reduction zalando 50
What do guys like most in the bedroom house


Comments to «What does a capricorn man need in a woman 2014»

  1. Ayshe writes:
    No matter whether you happen to be making use.
  2. NELLY_FURTADO writes:
    That, and you grab oneself.