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Published 25.11.2015 | Author : admin | Category : Men Women Love

Once upon a time a man asked a fairy to make him desirable & irresistible to all women.
Of course, we still have to find you sexually attractive, but to any guy worth his salt, looks is only the 1st of many steps in the screening process. Also, we study the underrated art of storytelling, or how to make any ol’ personal anecdote interesting to everyone. In 1958, Harvard economist and public intellectual John Kenneth Galbraith published The Affluent Society. The contradictions of the Affluent Society defined the decade: unrivaled prosperity with crippling poverty, expanded opportunity with entrenched discrimination, and new lifestyles with stifling conformity. While the electric streetcar of the late-nineteenth century facilitated the outward movement of the well to do, the seeds of a suburban nation were planted in the mid-twentieth century. Additionally, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), another New Deal organization, increased access to homeownership by insuring mortgages and protecting lenders from financial loss in the event of a default. Though domestic spending programs like HOLC and FHA helped create the outlines of the new consumer economy, United States involvement and the Allied victory in World War II pushed the country out of depression and into a sustained economic boom. The rapid growth of homeownership and the rise of suburban communities helped drive the postwar economic boom. While the car had been around for decades by the 1950s, car culture really took off as a national fad during the decade.
The process of suburbanization drove the movement of Americans and turned the wheels of the new consumer economy.
While suburbanization and the new consumer economy produced unprecedented wealth and affluence, the fruits of this economic and spatial abundance did not reach all Americans equally. A look at the relationship between federal organizations such as the HOLC and FHA and private banks, lenders, and real estate agents tells the story of standardized policies that produced a segregated housing market. Black communities in cities like Detroit, Chicago, Brooklyn, and Atlanta experienced “redlining,” the process by which banks and other organizations demarcated minority neighborhoods on a map with a red line. Phrases like “subversive racial elements” and “racial hazards” pervade the redlined area description files of surveyors and HOLC officials. While the HOLC was a fairly short-lived New Deal agency, the influence of its security maps lived on in the Federal Housing Authority (FHA) and the GI Bill dispensing Veteran’s Administration (VA). The exclusionary structures of the postwar economy prompted protest from the African Americans and other minorities that were excluded. Over time the federal government attempted to rectify the racial segregation created, or at least facilitated, in part by its own policies.
During the 1950s and early 1960s many Americans retreated to the suburbs to enjoy the new consumer economy and search for some normalcy and security after the instability of depression and war. School desegregation was a tense experience for all involved, but none more so than the African American students brought into white schools. On May 17, 1954, after two years of argument, re-argument, and deliberation, Chief Justice Earl Warren announced the Supreme Court’s decision on segregated schooling in Brown v. Decades of African American-led litigation, local agitation against racial inequality, and liberal Supreme Court justices made Brown v.
The NAACP was a central organization in the fight to end segregation, discrimination, and injustice based on race. Though remembered as just one lawsuit, Brown consolidated five separate cases that had originated in the southeastern United States: Briggs v. In most of the South, as well as the rest of the country, school integration did not occur on a wide scale until well after Brown.
As a landmark moment in American history, Brown’s significance perhaps lies less in what immediate tangible changes it wrought in African American life—which were slow, partial, and inseparable from a much longer chain of events—than in the idealism it expressed and the momentum it created. Segregation extended beyond private business property; this segregated drinking fountain was located on the ground of the Halifax county courthouse in North Carolina. While many of the civil rights movement’s most memorable and important moments, such as the sit-ins freedom rides and especially the March on Washington, occurred in the 1960s, the 1950s were a significant decade in the sometimes-tragic, sometimes-triumphant march of civil rights in the United States. But if some events encouraged civil rights workers with the promise of progress, others were so savage they convinced activists that they could do nothing but resist.
Motivated by the success of the Montgomery boycott, King and other African American leaders looked to continue the fight. As pressure built, congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1957, the first such measure passed since Reconstruction. Despite successes at both the local and national level, the civil rights movement faced bitter opposition. New inventions to make housework easier and more fun for women proliferated in the post-war era, creating an advertising and marketing frenzy to attract female consumers to certain products. America’s consumer economy reshaped how Americans experienced culture and shaped their identities.
In addition to replicating radio’s organizational structure, television also looked to radio for content. The limited number of channels and programs meant that networks selected programs that appealed to the widest possible audience to draw viewers and, more importantly, television’s greatest financers: advertisers.
Advertising was everywhere in the 1950s, including on TV shows like the quiz show “21,” sponsored by Geritol, a dietary supplement. The marriage of the suburban consumer culture and Cold War security concerns facilitated, and in turn was supported by, the ongoing postwar baby boom. Underlying this “reproductive consensus” was the new cult of professionalism that pervaded postwar American culture, including the professionalization of homemaking.
Rock and roll music was seen by many as devilish, having a corruptive influence on the youth of America. The popularity of rock and roll, which emerged in the postwar years, had not yet blossomed into the countercultural musical revolution of the coming decade, but it provided a magnet for teenage restlessness and rebellion. While black musicians like Chuck Berry created Rock and Roll, it was brought into the mainstream (white) American culture through performers like Elvis. Other Americans took larger steps to reject the expected conformity of the Affluent Society.
Society’s “consensus,” on everything from the consumer economy to gender roles, did not go unchallenged. Postwar economic prosperity and the creation of new suburban spaces inevitably shaped Americans’ politics. In the 1930s, the economic ravages of the international economic catastrophe knocked the legs out from under the intellectual justifications for keeping government out of the economy. One of the most important advocacy groups that sprang up after the war was Leonard Read’s Foundation for Economic Education. Shortly after FEE’s formation, Austrian economist and libertarian intellectual Friedrich Hayek founded the Mont Pelerin Society (MPS) in 1947. Libertarian politics and evangelical religion were shaping the origins of a conservative, suburban constituency. Initially, the moderates, or “liberals,” won control of the party with the nomination of Thomas Dewey in 1948.
The primary contest between Taft and Eisenhower was close and controversial, with Taft supporters claiming that Eisenhower stole the nomination from Taft at the convention.
Like any president, Eisenhower’s record was as much about his impact outside of the legislative arena.
There's one particular, long-standing problem in the US and it's a notable human rights violation of children. But did you know that this character, the epitome of the masculine ideal, is also, almost certainly, intact? Galbraith’s celebrated book examined America’s new post-World War II consumer economy and political culture.
While economists and scholars continue to debate the merits of Galbraith’s warnings and predictions, his analysis was so insightful that the title of his book has come to serve as a ready label for postwar American society. The new consumer economy that lifted millions of Americans into its burgeoning middle class also produced inequality.
At the height of the Great Depression, in 1932, some 250,000 households lost their property to foreclosure. Though only slightly more than a third of homes had an FHA backed mortgage by 1964, FHA backed loans had a ripple effect with private lenders granting more and more home loans even to non-FHA backed mortgages. Builders created sprawling neighborhoods of single-family homes on the outskirts of American cities.
As manufacturers converted back to consumer goods after the war, and as the suburbs developed, appliance and automobile sales rose dramatically. Suburban growth claimed millions of acres of rural space and turned agrarian communities into suburban landscapes.
Seen from a macroeconomic level, the postwar economic boom turned America into a land of economic abundance. Armed with elaborate questionnaires to evaluate the city’s building conditions, the appraisers were well-versed in the policies of the Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC).
The new economic structures and suburban spaces of the postwar period produced perhaps as much inequality as affluence. At the core of HOLC appraisal techniques, which private parties also adopted, was the pernicious insistence that mixed-race and minority dominated neighborhoods were credit risks.
Doing so made visible the areas they believed were unfit for their services, denying black residents loans, housing, groceries, and other necessities of modern life. Both of these government organizations, which set the standard that private lenders followed, refused to back bank mortgages that did not adhere to HOLC’s security maps. NAACP leaders, including Thurgood Marshall (who would become the first African American Supreme Court Justice), hold a poster decrying racial bias in Mississippi in 1956.
Elliott, the first case accepted by the NAACP,  illustrated the plight of segregated black schools.
The Court found the historical evidence inconclusive, and drew their ruling more heavily from the NAACP’s argument that segregation psychologically damaged black children. Though Brown repudiated Plessy, the Court’s orders did not extend to segregation in places other than public schools and, even then, while recognizing the historical importance of the decision, the justices set aside the divisive yet essential question of remediation and enforcement to preserve a unanimous decision.
Only in the 1964 Civil Rights Act did the federal government finally implement some enforcement of the Brown decision by threatening to withhold funding from recalcitrant school districts, financially compelling desegregation, but even then southern districts found loopholes.
The nation’s highest court had attacked one of the fundamental supports of Jim Crow segregation and offered constitutional cover for the creation of one of the greatest social movements in American history. African Americans had been fighting against a variety of racist policies, cultures and beliefs in all aspects of American life. In 1953, years before Rosa Parks’ iconic confrontation on a Montgomery city bus, an African American woman named Sarah Keys publicly challenged segregated public transportation. In the summer of 1955, two white men in Mississippi kidnapped and brutally murdered a fourteen-year-old boy Emmett Till.

Carolina Coach Company decision, Rosa Parks refused to surrender her seat on a Montgomery city bus and was arrested.
In 1957, King helped create the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) to coordinate civil rights groups across the South and buoy their efforts organizing and sustaining boycotts, protests, and other assaults against southern Jim Crow laws.
The act was compromised away nearly to nothing, although it did achieve some gains, such as creating the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Commission, which was charged with investigating claims of racial discrimination. Those opposed to the movement often used violent tactics to scare and intimidate African Americans and subvert legal rulings and court orders.
The Affluent Society gave Americans new experiences, new outlets, and new ways to understand and interact with one another. Many of the early programs were adaptations of popular radio variety and comedy shows, including the Ed Sullivan Show and Milton Berle’s Texaco Star Theater. By the mid-1950s, an hour of primetime programming cost about $150,000 (about $1.5 million in today’s dollars) to produce.
Mothers and fathers alike flocked to the experts for their opinions on marriage, sexuality, and, most especially, child-rearing.
Chuck Berry defined the rhythm and style that made rock and roll so distinctive and irresistible.
His good looks, sensual dancing, and sonorous voice stole the hearts of millions of American teenage girls, which was at that moment becoming a central segment of the consumer population. The writers and poets and musicians of the Beat Generation, disillusioned with capitalism, consumerism, and traditional gender roles, sought a deeper meaning in life. Much discontent was channeled through the machine itself: advertisers sold rebellion no less than they sold baking soda. In stark contrast to the Great Depression, the new prosperity renewed belief in the superiority of capitalism, cultural conservatism, and religion. And yet, despite the inhospitable intellectual and cultural climate, there were pockets of true believers who kept the gospel of the free market alive.
Read founded FEE in 1946 on the premise that “The American Way of Life” was essentially individualistic and that the best way to protect and promote that individualism was through libertarian economics.
Unlike FEE, whose focus was more ideological in nature, the MPS’s focus on the intellectual work of promoting and improving capitalism brought together intellectuals from both sides of the Atlantic in common cause. Suburban communities’ distance from government and other top-down community-building mechanisms left a social void that evangelical churches eagerly filled. Its complete lack of electoral success since the Depression led to a battle within the party about how to revive its electoral prospects.
This obviously incorrect banner from the front page of the Chicago Tribune on November 3, 1948 made its own headlines as the newspaper’s most embarrassing gaff. Dewey’s shocking loss to Truman, however, emboldened conservatives, who rallied around Taft as the 1952 presidential primaries approached.
Eisenhower, attempting to placate the conservatives in his party picked California Congressman and virulent anti-Communist Richard Nixon as his running mate. Eisenhower’s popularity helped elect a congress that was more conservative then he had hoped. Despite the looming threat of nuclear war, millions experienced an unprecedented prosperity and an increasingly proud American identity. Breeden, Maggie Flamingo, Destin Jenkins, Kyle Livie, Jennifer Mandel, James McKay, Laura Redford, Ronny Regev, and Tanya Roth.
Betty Friedan and the Making of the Feminine Mystique: The American Left, the Cold War, and Modern Feminism. Coca-Colonization and the Cold War: The Cultural Mssion of the United States in Austria after the Second World War. Inventing the “American Way”: The Politics of Consensus from the New Deal to the Civil Rights Movement. Before World War II, the vast majority of babies were born at home; the few who were born in hospitals were members of the upper class.
The book, which popularized phrases such as “conventional wisdom,” noted the unparalleled riches of American economic growth but criticized the underlying structures of an economy dedicated to increasing production and the consumption of goods.
In the almost two decades after the end of World War II, the American economy witnessed massive and sustained growth that reshaped American culture through the abundance of consumer goods. Though started in the midst of the Great Depression, the effects of government programs and subsidies like HOLC and the FHA were fully felt in the postwar economy and fueled the growth of homeownership and the rise of the suburbs. Government expenditures provided loans to veterans, subsidized corporate research and development, and built the Interstate Highway System. William Levitt built the first Levittown, the prototypical suburban community, in 1946 in Long Island, New York.
Flush with rising wages and wartime savings, homeowners also used newly created installment plans to buy new consumer goods at once instead of saving for years to make major purchases. Suburban development wrenched more and more agricultural workers off the land and often pushed them into the very cities suburbanites were busy fleeing.
For advantaged buyers, loans had never been easier to attain, consumer goods had never been more accessible, and well-paying jobs had never been more abundant. Wealth created by the booming economy filtered through social structures with built-in privileges and prejudices. In partnership with local lenders and real estate agents, HOLC created Residential Security Maps to identify high and low risk-lending areas. On the one hand FHA and VA backed loans were an enormous boon to those who qualified for them. It was both the limits and opportunities of housing, then, that shaped the contours of postwar American society. The court found by a unanimous 9-0 vote that racial segregation violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
In the early 1930s, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) began a concerted effort to erode the legal underpinnings of segregation in the American South.
Briggs originated in rural Clarendon County, South Carolina, where taxpayers in 1950 spent $179 to educate each white student and $43 for each black student.
To make this argument, association lawyers relied upon social scientific evidence, such as the famous doll experiments of Kenneth and Mamie Clark. Their infamously ambiguous order in 1955 (what came to be known as Brown II) that school districts desegregate “with all deliberate speed” was so vague and ineffectual that it left the actual business of desegregation in the hands of those who opposed it. By 1968, fourteen years after Brown, some eighty percent of black southerners remained in schools that were ninety- to one-hundred-percent nonwhite.
And while the struggle for black inclusion had few victories before World War II, the war and the “Double V” campaign as well as the postwar economic boom led to rising expectations for many African Americans. Keys, then serving in the Women’s Army Corps, traveled from her army base in New Jersey back to North Carolina to visit her family. Till, visiting from Chicago and perhaps unfamiliar with the etiquette of Jim Crow, allegedly whistled at a white woman named Carolyn Bryant. Montgomery’s public transportation system had longstanding rules requiring African American passengers to sit in the back of the bus and to give up their seats to white passengers if the buses filled. And yet, despite its weakness, the Act signaled that pressure was finally mounting on Americans to confront the legacy of discrimination. For example, a year into the Montgomery bus boycott, angry white southerners bombed four African American churches as well as the homes of King and fellow civil rights leader E.
The big radio broadcasting companies, NBC, CBS, and ABC, used their technical expertise and capital reserves to conquer the airwaves.
This proved too expensive for most commercial sponsors, who began turning to a joint financing model of 30-second spot ads.
Library of Congress.Television’s broad appeal, however, was about more than money and entertainment. Psychiatrists held an almost mythic status as people took their opinions and prescriptions, as well as their vocabulary, into their everyday life. Keenly aware of the discontent bubbling beneath the surface of the Affluent Society, for instance, many youth embraced rebellion. Beats traveled across the country, studied Eastern religions, and experimented with drugs and sex and art.
While the country proclaimed homosexuality a mental disorder, gay men established the Mattachine Society in Los Angeles and gay women formed the Daughters of Bilitis in San Francisco as support groups.
And yet others were rejecting the old ways, choosing new lifestyles, challenging old hierarchies, and embarking upon new paths. Like FEE, many of the lay supporters of the MPS, such as Pew and Jasper Crane, also came from the NAM network. More often than not the theology and ideology of these churches reinforced socially conservative views while simultaneously reinforcing congregants’ belief in economic individualism. The more conservative faction, represented by Ohio Senator Robert Taft (son of former President William Howard Taft) and backed by many party activists and financers such as J. With the Republican nomination sewn up, the immensely popular Eisenhower swept to victory in the 1952 general election, easily besting Truman’s hand-picked successor, Adlai Stevenson.
Within two years of his election, Eisenhower saw his legislative proposals routinely defeated by an unlikely alliance of conservative Republicans, who thought Eisenhower was going too far, and liberal Democrats, who thought he was not going far enough. Indeed, like his attempts to use federal dollars to give state and local governments as well as individuals the power to act at home, his foreign policy sought to keep the United States from intervening abroad by bolstering its allies. Galbraith argued that the United States’ economy, based on an almost hedonistic consumption of luxury products, would and must inevitably lead to economic inequality as the private sector interests enriched themselves at the expense of the American public. In the decades after World War II, business boomed, unionization peaked, wages rose, and sustained growth buoyed a new consumer economy.
Purchasing large acreage, “subdividing” lots, and contracting crews to build countless homes at economies of scale, Levitt offered affordable suburban housing to veterans and their families. The mass-distribution of credit cards, first issued in 1950, further increased homeowners’ access to credit. And yet, beneath the aggregate numbers, patterns of racial disparity, sexual discrimination, and economic inequality persevered, undermining many of the assumptions of an Affluent Society.
Just when many middle and lower class white American families began their journey of upward mobility by moving to the suburbs with the help of government spending and government programs such as the FHA and the GI Bill, many African Americans and other racial minorities found themselves systematically shut out. People familiar with the local real estate market filled out uniform surveys on each neighborhood.
Kraemer struck down racially restrictive neighborhood housing covenants, making it illegal to explicitly consider race when selling a house. Ferguson (1896), black Americans, particularly in the American South, had fully felt the deleterious effects of segregated education.
Legal, or de jure, segregation subjected racial minorities to discriminatory laws and policies.

The Clarks demonstrated that while young white girls would naturally choose to play with white dolls, young black girls would, too.
By 1972, though, just twenty-five percent were in such schools, and fifty-five percent remained in schools with a simple nonwhite minority.
When persistent racism and racial segregation undercut the promise of economic and social mobility, African Americans began mobilizing on an unprecedented scale against the various discriminatory social and legal structures. When the bus stopped in North Carolina, the driver asked her to give up her seat for a white customer.
Parks was not the first to protest the policy by staying seated, but she was the first around whom Montgomery activists rallied. Due to the cost and difficulty of recording, most programs were broadcast live, forcing stations across the country to air shows at the same time. The commercial need to appeal to as many people as possible promoted the production of shows aimed at the entire family.
Shows of the 1950s, such as Father Knows Best and I Love Lucy, idealized the nuclear family, “traditional” gender roles, and white, middle-class domesticity. Although popular memory credits the cause of the baby boom to the return of virile soldiers from battle, the real story is more nuanced. The 1955 film Rebel Without a Cause demonstrated the restlessness and emotional incertitude of the postwar generation raised in increasing affluence yet increasingly unsatisfied with their comfortably lives. At the same time, perhaps yearning for something beyond the “massification” of American culture yet having few other options to turn to beyond popular culture, American youth embraced rock ‘n’ roll.
They held meetings, distributed literature, provided legal and counseling services, and formed chapters across the country.
In the midst of the depression, NAM, under the leadership of a group known as the “Brass Hats” reinvented itself and went on the offensive, initiating advertising campaigns supporting “free enterprise” and “The American Way of Life.”21 More importantly, NAM became a node for business leaders, such as J. The MPS successfully challenged liberal, Keynesian economics on its home turf, academia, particularly when the brilliant University of Chicago economist Milton Friedman became its president. These new communities and the suburban ethos of individualism that accompanied them became the building blocks for a new political movement. Howard Pew, sought to take the party further to the right, particularly in economic matters, by rolling back New Deal programs and policies. Eisenhower’s popularity boosted Republicans across the country, leading them to majorities in both houses of Congress. For example, in 1954 Eisenhower proposed a national Health Care plan that would have provided Federal support for increasing health care coverage across the nation without getting the government directly involved in regulating the health care industry.
Thus Ike funneled money to the French in Vietnam fighting the Ho Chi Minh led Communists, walked a tight line between helping Chiang Kai-Shek’s Taiwan without overtly provoking Mao Tse-Tung’s China, and materially backed native actors who destabilized “unfriendly” governments in Iran and Guatemala.
But things fell apart, and the center could not hold: wracked by contradiction, dissent, discrimination, and inequality, the Affluent Society stood on the precipice of revolution.
Richard (Dick) Whitman, was born in the early 1920s to a 22-year-old prostitute, which means he was likely born at home, probably born in the brothel where his mother lived and worked. Galbraith warned that an economy where “wants are increasingly created by the process by which they are satisfied,” was unsound, unsustainable, and, ultimately, immoral. The same suburbs that gave middle class Americans new space left cities withering in spirals of poverty and crime.The Jim Crow South tenaciously defended segregation and American blacks and other minorities suffered discrimination all across the country. Fueled by credit and no longer stymied by the Depression or wartime restrictions, consumers bought countless washers, dryers, refrigerators, freezers, and, suddenly, televisions.
Relying on this information, HOLC assigned every neighborhood a letter grade from A to D and a corresponding color code.
Discrimination and segregation continued, however, and fair housing would emerge as a major plank of the brewing civil rights movement. Board suit focused less on material disparities between black and white schools (which were significantly less than in places like Clarendon County) and more on the social and spiritual degradation that accompanied legal segregation. The Clarks argued that black children’s aesthetic and moral preference for white dolls demonstrated the pernicious effects and self-loathing produced by segregation.
Holmes (1969) finally closed some of those loopholes, such as “freedom of choice” plans, to compel some measure of actual integration. Her refusal to do so landed her in jail in 1953 and led to a landmark 1955 decision, Sarah Keys v. Milam, abducted Till from his relatives’ home, beat him, mutilated him, shot him, and threw his body in the Tallahatchie River. The Federal Communication Commission’s (FCC) refusal to issue any new licenses between 1948 and 1955 was a de facto endorsement of the big three’s stranglehold on the market. And since audiences had a limited number of channels to choose from, viewing experiences were broadly shared. Leave It to Beaver, which became the prototypical example of the 1950s’ television family, depicted its breadwinner-father and homemaker-mother guiding their children through life lessons.
After years of economic depression families were now wealthy enough to support larger families and had homes large enough to accommodate them, while women married younger and American culture celebrated the ideal of a large, insular family. Spock’s Baby and Child Care (1946) were diligently studied by women who took their careers as house-wife as just that: a career, complete with all the demands and professional trappings of job development and training. They listened to Little Richard, Buddy Holly, and especially Elvis Presley (whose sexually suggestive hip movements were judged subversive). Howard Pew of Sun Oil and Jasper Crane of DuPont Chemical Co., to network with like-minded individuals and take the message of free enterprise to the American people. Friedman’s willingness to advocate for and apply his libertarian economics in the political realm made him, and the MPS, one of the most influential free market advocates in the world.
And yet, while the growing suburbs, and the conservative ideology that found a ready home there, eventually proved immensely important in American political life, their impact was not immediately felt. On the other hand, the more moderate wing of the party led by men such as New York Governor Thomas Dewey and Nelson Rockefeller sought to embrace and reform New Deal programs and policies.
The proposal was defeated in the house by a 238-134 vote with a swing bloc of 75 conservative Republicans joining liberal Democrats voting against the plan.25 Eisenhower’s proposals in education and agriculture often suffered similar defeats.
The centerpiece of Ike’s foreign policy was “massive retaliation,” or the threat of nuclear force in the face of Communist expansion, thus getting more “bang” for his government “buck.” While Ike’s “mainstream” “middle-way” won broad popular support, his own party was slowly moving away from his positions. In response, FDR’s New Deal created the Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC), which began purchasing and refinancing existing mortgages at risk of default. Bill), passed in 1944, offered low-interest home loans, a stipend to attend college, loans to start a business, and unemployment benefits.
The percentage of Americans that owned at least one television increased from 12% in 1950 to more than 87% in 1960. The least secure, highest risk neighborhoods for loans received a D grade and the color red. Racial minorities could not get loans for property improvements in their own neighborhoods—seen as credit risks—and were denied mortgages to purchase property in other areas for fear that their presence would extend the red line into a new community.
But through a series of carefully chosen and contested court cases concerning education, disfranchisement, and jury selection, NAACP lawyers such as Charles Hamilton Houston, Robert L. This case cut to the basic question of whether or not “separate” was itself inherently unequal. Carolina Coach Company, in which the Interstate Commerce Commission ruled that “separate but equal” violated the Interstate Commerce Clause of the U.S.
Though King, Nixon and the MIA persevered in the face of such violence, it was only a taste of things to come.
Upwards of two thirds of television-owning households, for instance, watched popular shows such as I Love Lucy. And since most women had multiple children roughly the same age as their neighbors’ children, a cultural obsession with kids flourished throughout the decade.
The network of business leaders that NAM brought together in the midst of the Great Depression formed the financial, organizational and ideological underpinnings of the free market advocacy groups that emerged and found ready adherents in America’s new suburban spaces in the post-war decades.
There were further disagreements among party members about how involved the United States should be in the world. By the end of his presidency, Ike’s domestic legislative achievements were largely limited to expanding social security, making Housing, Education and Welfare (HEW) a cabinet position, passing the National Defense Education Act, and bolstering federal support to education, particularly in math and science. By 1964 the party had moved far enough to the Right to nominate Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, the most conservative candidate in a generation. HOLC introduced the amortized mortgage, allowing borrowers to pay back interest and principle over twenty to thirty years instead of the then standard five-year mortgage that carried large balloon payments at the end of the contract.
Levittown, the poster-child of the new suburban America, only allowed whites to purchase homes. Clark, and future Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall undermined Jim Crow’s constitutional underpinnings. Emmett’s mother held an open-casket funeral so that Till’s disfigured body could make national news. Such unremitting hostility and violence left the outcome of the burgeoning civil rights movement in doubt.
Women bore the brunt of this pressure, chided if they did not give enough of their time to the children—especially if it was at the expense of a career—yet cautioned that spending too much time would lead to “Momism,” producing “sissy” boys who would be incapable of contributing to society and extremely susceptible to the communist threat.
Issues such as foreign aid, collective security, and how best to fight Communism divided the party. The political moderation of the Affluent Society proved little more than a way station on the road to liberal reform and a future conservative ascendancy. Thus HOLC policies and private developers increased home ownership and stability for white Americans while simultaneously creating and enforcing racial segregation. Initially seeking to demonstrate that states systematically failed to provide African American students “equal” resources and facilities, and thus failed to live up to Plessy, by the late 1940s activists began to more forcefully challenge the assumptions that “separate” was constitutional at all.
Working with local activists already involved in desegregation fights, the NAACP purposely chose cases with a diverse set of local backgrounds to show that segregation was not just an issue in the Deep South, and that a sweeping judgment on the fundamental constitutionality of Plessy was needed. Poorly enforced, it nevertheless gave legal coverage for the freedom riders years later and motivated further assaults against Jim Crow. Despite its successes, civil rights activists looked back on the 1950s as a decade of at best mixed results and incomplete accomplishments. While the bus boycott, Supreme Court rulings and other civil rights activities signaled progress, church bombings, death threats, and stubborn legislators demonstrated the distance that still needed to be traveled. For young black men and women soon to propel the civil rights movement, the Till case was an indelible lesson.

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