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DESCRIPTION: The English geographical culture in the 13th century is revealed in the unusual circumstance that four important 13th century mappaemundi - the Vercelli, Dutchy of Cornwall, Ebstorf and Hereford (see also #224, #226) - either are English or appear to have strong English connections. In many cases it is possible to fix a terminus post quem, but rarely to find a terminus ante quem. If paleographers wish to date the script of documents, there are, for instance, different ways to describe the design of Gothic letters. Especially the large sums of the 13th century have been discussed in our time, if the author is unknown. The problem of dating the Vercelli map relates to the fact that neither the author nor sponsor nor provenance is known. Carlo Errera discovered the Rotulus in 1908 when organizing the archive of the Chapter of Vercelli. In 1935 Anna Maria Brizio thought that the style of painting on the Vercelli map resembled Spanish miniatures of the Romanesque style thus favoring a painter from the first half of the 13th century.
Stimulated by the Italian historian of cartography Roberto Almagiai, a geographer of the University of Turin, Carlo Felice Capello, studied the map and its history after 1951 and proposed in 1957 at the 17th Geographical Congress at Bani to attribute the map to the contemporaries of Cardinal Guala Bicchieri (d.1227). Ordinarily the mappamundi of the Middle Ages in Western Europe is often of summary of knowledge drawn from different sources, concentrated in a picture offering places of interest from different historic periods. An important mark for a terminus post quem on the Vercelli map is the city of Alessandria in Lombardy, founded in 1167 and named in honor of Pope Alexander III probably the youngest city shown on the map. The placing of Jerusalem and of the earthly paradise on the Vercelli map differs from the other maps of large size. In favor of an early dating of the Vercelli map there has often been discussed the position of Jerusalem because it is not placed in the center of the map.
Early research on the Vercelli map thought that the style of painting reflected that of the Spanish miniatures.
When the Vercelli map is compared with its three sisters, there are only limited water areas displayed on it. Mountains on the Vercelli map mostly are shown as three-leaved symbols, or chains, often looking like grapes. England is scantily documented on the Vercelli map, a large part has been ravaged by time: it is placed in the surrounding ocean on the left side and at the edge of the inhabited world. All the figures - men, animals, and monsters alike - look slim and seem to belong to the Gothic style of painting. The experience of paleography should not be under-estimated when dating maps, though there are included many imponderables. During the 13th century there was a considerable change from Gothic majuscule, developed from uncial forms, to usual Gothic minuscule, which became the regular script for epigraphy in the 14th century. Bagrow, Leo, History of Cartography (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1964), Plate XXV. George, Wilma, Animals and Maps (University of California Press), 1968, Figure 2.6 (one humped camel in Ethiopia). Errera, C., a€?Un mappamondo medievale sconosciuto nella€™Archivo capitolare de Vercelli,a€? Atti della R. George, Wilma, Animals and Maps (University of California Press, 1968), 35-36, 60, 109, 125, 186. A A  The medieval world map is a documentary and also a narrative authority for the historian: it reflects the knowledge as well as the view of the world. DESCRIPTION: One of the most interesting and problematical maps of the Middle Ages is the Portolano Laurenziano Gaddiano currently in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana in Florence, Italy. Among the most startling features is its depiction of the recognizable shape of the continent of Africa with remarkable prescience. Nearly a century before the Portuguese age of discovery, the Medici Atlas draws the bend of the Gulf of Guinea and shows that Africa has a southern end, i.e. Now it is well known that the province of the normal portolan chart of the late 14th and early 15th centuries did not extend farther south than Sierra Leone (= Montes Lunae), a region about which the merchants of Genoa and other Mediterranean seaports were beginning to hear as a result of their growing trade with the Sudan.
Assuming then that the Laurentian a€?worlda€? map was originally a portolan chart, a resume of the six regional charts that follow in the Atlas, how can we regard the twin African outlines? It is largely on the ground of these and other characteristics common to the two maps that Wiesera€™s arguments are based.
Now both the Dulcerto and Pizzigani portolan charts are of the normal type and with one or two exceptions (e. The first of these arguments assumes, quite arbitrarily, that the de Virga map is the parent map, but it is equally permissible to assume that the Medicean Atlas is the parent map, so that this is really no argument. South of Cape Bojador to the latitude of Sierra Leone the coast is depicted as a rhythmic succession of headlands and bays - an obvious confession of ignorance. In the heart of the Sahara, there is a mountain complex separating the Nile from what presumably the Nile of the Negroes. We see from these illustrations that the world map shares the limitations and defects of all 14th century maps.
The last of Wiesera€™s arguments hinges on the association of Ptolemya€™s Geographia in the production of the Medicean Atlas, and in particular, upon the parentage by the gulf which is portrayed in the ink outline. The river systems of the Sahara conform to the views commonly expressed in medieval geographies, while those of the southern portion of the continent recall the traditional ideas held concerning the Terrestrial Paradise.
It would appear, therefore, that the problems raised by Wiesera€™s thesis are greater than those that it solves. To summarize, there would appear to be good reason for retaining 1351 as the approximate date of the original drawing and for regarding the African outlines as the work of later editors: the first dating possibly from the period of the de Virga world map and the second from the period of Portuguese activity along the west African coasts.
The auxiliary historical scientist has to examine internal characteristics, and also the external, if the original document survived. There is much discussion to accurately date them because they lack text from a book which they illustrate, which could explain the map-painting. The style of painting and writing can be observed, though monumental elements make it survive for long periods. The ideas expressed on the Ebstorf map revive the opinion that Gervase of Tilbury may be not only the ideal but the real creator of it. The map survived at Vercelli; it was found in the 20th century only as a fragment and has been damaged by humidity. The Ebstorf map measures 358 to 356 cm, the Hereford map 165 to 135 cm, and the Cornwall map 157 to 157 cm. Nobody before had paid attention to it because it was inventoried in the 18th century as an old sketch of a synoptic picture. Leo Bagrow in his History of Cartography in 1951 published a small black and white reproduction and mentioned a larger one to be more useful.
Rarely did it qualify as a guide for travelers, although it might perhaps serve as a first pre-information for pilgrimage, as it instructs about places of history regarding the salvation of mankind.
But this rule, first proclaimed by Saint Hieronymus when commenting on Ezekiel 5,5, was difficult to be executed on paintings because the model of the T-O Map had its centre in the intersection of the T-upright and the T-top stroke, and that was a place in the sea between the Don [Tanais], the Eastern Mediterranean Sea and the Nile. In addition to the important comparison with the maps of Ebstorf and Hereford, there is the comparison with the Isidore map of CLM 10058, a French map painted in Parisian surroundings according to the study of Gautier Dalche, and a product of the Victorine School. This style of painting is traditional and has been found since the 8th century Beatus maps (#207). Ireland can be seen well, and there is some toponymic evidence: Cassel [Cashel], Mide [Meath] and Armagh can be identified.
The slashed riding-gown of the French King Philip, as mentioned, was evidence of fashion of the second half of the 13th century, and the style of painting suggests this dating, too. The map-maker did not only change between everyday scripts and literary handwriting, he was also an artist and painter and used special monumental letters. The earthly paradise between INDIA and INDIA MEDIA with the tomb of Thomas below: ARMENIA, Ark of Noah, MEDIA, PERSIA, ARRABIA with the tomb of Simon and Judas and the Tower of Babel. This world map forms part of an atlas, commonly called the Medicean Atlas, consisting of eight sheets.
Most of the maps that I have chosen in these monographs were primarily selected because of their personal aesthetic appeal. First, all details, physical features, pictorial embellishments and legends, stop short of the latitude of the Mos Lune. Is it possible, therefore, that the draughtsman of the Laurentian chart only drew the part of Africa north of the latitude of Sierra Leone and that the southern portion of the continent was drawn subsequently? He believes that there are several points of evidence for a later appearance of the Atlas, especially its manifold and often close correspondence with the Catalan Atlas of 1375 (#235). First the verbal similarity between the text of the Lunar Calendar in the Medicean Atlas and the de Virga map. The second, namely that the configuration of the southern part of Africa warrants the attribution of a later date, is seen to be poorly grounded when we dismiss, as Wieser does and no doubt rightly, the colored version as a subsequent emendation, for where does the ink outline provide such evidence?
The isle of Meroe is placed in close proximity to the headwaters that are supplemented by another river coming down from the northeast extremity of the Atlas range. So it can only be the east coast that furnishes evidence of a late date and here Wieser confesses that the southerly trend may be due to the influence of the narratives of Polo and Odoric. Now if this is a€?none other than the Sinus Hespericus by Ptolemya€? we should expect to find the map bearing other indications of Ptolemaic influence, but such indications are absent. In the writera€™s opinion the unknown author of the outline map and Albertin de Virga had in mind the gulf of which Western Europe was then beginning to hear a€“ the Gulf of Gold.
And though the internal features are more fascinating, they are often objects of speculation, whilst external marks are of more consequence and confront the historian with a fait accompli. Therefore they need to be studied in isolation with regard to their content and to their appearance. Since the original was destroyed in the Second World War, there remains only a limited argument with regard to external characteristics.
The way of writing is somewhat cursive and often flighty and careless, in any individual case, few obliged to the rules of scholar writing of book-hands. Their script is careful, often monumentally executed, especially for liturgical and biblical books, and this makes them look uniform.
As the original is destroyed, it is very dangerous to work with the excellent modern reproductions. In 1911 Errera presented the world map, emphasized its information as regard to Spain and Italy, and dated it to the end of the 13th or the beginning of the 14th century, assisted by Romualdo Paste, and by G. As he lost the plates of his book during the Second World War and he was to reconstruct it, the models of his copies were only in general identified. He visited England in 1216-18 and is known as a donor of Anglo-Saxon manuscripts to the school of Vercelli. But the example also illustrates the difficulty to claim an internal argument for the terminus post quem.
Instead of the Garden of Eden with Adam and Eve before a picturesque apple-tree, the Rotulus has in the eastern part a simple rectangle with frame and a cross inside, and it is filled with a didactic text explaining Asia and Paradisu Terrestris. The painter of the so-called Oxford map of about 1090-1110, who first gave to Jerusalem its place, made it a€?swima€? like an island at the meeting point of the waters on his geometrical drawing. The bird with a horseshoe in its beak is an a€?iron-eatera€?; it has the head of a goose, the body of a crane, the feet of a calf, and is to be identified as an ostrich. That would mean Philip III, who was the only one to visit Africa when he accompanied his father in 1270. Though the map of Munich is a small one, 26.6 cm of diameter, and never offered the place for the material of all the legends of the Descripti of Hugo of St.
A world map is an individual production, but it is also the sum of conventional signs, often shaped as symbols taken from heraldry.
Both are right in the idea, because Spain as well as England are countries which produced outstanding Latin maps during the Middle Ages. On the other hand, the Vercelli map displays waves in the sandy Sahara desert, a kind of sandhills. The Vercelli map looks like a continental map of Mediterranean or West-European provenance, for instance Italy, France, or Spain, and a French king documents French interests.
Although a map that was connected with a book was regularly executed by the same hand, it is not necessarily a matter of fact. Its observation might be of importance for dating maps according to their monumental legends. But the result might be, that though the idea of an English provenance as a gift of Cardinal Guala Bicchieri is a fascinating hypothesis, there are many arguments to consolidate the old opinion of Errera, Paste, and Faccio, who found as well external characteristics for the second half of the 13th century as they identified King Philip of France as Philip III, who visited Africa.
One of the first priorities of the work was a complete examination of all previous exploration and excavation in the precinct, particularly that of Margaret Benson carried out in 1895-7. The first sheet, an astronomical chart, is of value mainly in the dating of the overall work.
The second sheet of the atlas, the world map, is the one that has attracted most attention.
While the remarkable shape of Africa has given rise to speculative theories about ancient sailing and secret voyages, the explanation could be more mundane. Second, there is a palpable difference of brushwork and of color between the areas to the north and south of this latitude.
A comparison of the European and Asiatic portions of the map with the African suggests that such an explanation is at all events feasible. We can be sure that the Genoese merchants of the latter half of the 14th century were deeply interested in the question of Africa nondum cognita, if only because the Levantine land routes to the East were then occupied by the Turks.
Among other common features he points out is the delineation of the Caspian Sea, which here and they are nearly identical. Whether or not the Nile of the Negroes was intended, as commonly believed, to connect by some subterranean course with the Egyptian Nile cannot be derived from the map.
Prototypes of this may be seen in the Carignano, Sanudo and Vesconte maps, none of which, incidentally, can claim Ptolemaic parentage.
Apart from portolan charts, which mostly can be attached to certain workshops of chart-makers, only the 13th century produced large maps that survived before the time of the Renaissance and these four maps have the character of summarizing the totality of medieval knowledge.
Therefore the legends do not always use normal script but designed capital letters, which are like epigraphic writing.
As most of the historical documents are dated, there is no difficulty in finding records for comparison also for the different regions, if a single piece is lacking its date. That is the reason, why the catalogues of manuscripts note only the presumed century, half of a century, or third of a century according to the character of letters.
Paleographic research cannot study the ductus of the hands, only perhaps the way of painting. It might be supposed that he remembered the large copy, the only one which we have today, in the publication of Youssouf Kamal, as the original map is in a bad condition. This made Capello to promote an English provenance of the map and for dating it to around 1200, an intelligent hypothesis but an unproved one.
Only the portolan [nautical] charts, because of their inherent a€?functionalitya€?, are an exception with regard to this.
Moreover, the Vercelli map offers many places, of which the knowledge seems to be unusual, for instance Friesach in Austria: these chapter-houses were founded in 1187and 1217.
This area is not placed at the top outside the world outline but inside Asia between countries each named India. Later on, medieval map-makers preferred to displace the T somewhat to the west - that is on east-orientated maps below - in order to secure the center for Jerusalem in Asia. Exactly the same bird can be found on the Hereford map, yet it is not shown in Africa as the ostrich of the Ebstorf map, but in Northern Europe near the Don and the Maeotis at the border between Europe and Asia. Victor, there may have been a joint source, and the Vercelli map seems to belong to that tradition, even with regard to the placing of Jerusalem and Tyre. They exercised considerable influence on other countries, especially on the large maps of the 13th century.
There was almost certain contact with Beatus (#207), for example in mentioning the tombs of the apostles distributed over the whole earth.
And a map of large size may have been developed individually, separate from the associated book. If the original date of 1351 is true, that would make it the first European extant map to incorporate the travel reports of Marco Polo and Ibn Batuta.
At one extreme comes the view of Alexander von Humboldt that this work, in conjunction with others, offers clear proof of a medieval acquaintance with the southern part of Africa.
The probable source of the a€?Guinea benda€? is the legend of the Sinus Aethiopicus, the rumor of a gulf that lay somewhere south of Cape Bojador that was said to penetrate deeply into the African continent.
In Europe the draughtsman contented himself with depicting the region lying to the south of the latitude of central Sweden, that is the region known tolerably well to the medieval geographer.
This date, Wieser says, rests solely on the fact that the year 1351 is referred to in the explanatory rubrics of the associated Lunar Calendar. This concordance he deems to be all the more significant because the form of the Caspian Sea on the Dulcerto chart of 1339 and on the Pizzigani chart of 1367 is not entirely closed. The Caspian to most of the cartographers of this period was not a region on which first hand knowledge was generally available for evidence we have only to look at the maps of the 14th and 15th centuries and, therefore, it may easily be that Dulcerto and Pizzigani preferred not to commit themselves and to leave the eastern and northern portions unmapped. It appears to have its source both in the Atlas Mountains near the region described Hic sunt omines Magni Xll Pedes and in the Mos Lune [The Fouta Djallon Mountains?].
On this view there is no necessity to postulate a 15th century origin for the Medicean Atlas for there is ample evidence of medieval acquaintance with the African east coast as far as Sofala. But even the Vercelli map produces problems in establishing its origination because today it is in very bad condition, only a fragment, and it is faded by damp and partly illegible.
The modern method of dating literary hands is the comparison with tables of dated and datable manuscripts of the same time and region: the famous old libraries publish their material in editions of large scale in all European countries. That refers also to portolan charts of the later Middle Ages, which are not dated, though they offer toponymic clues and announce their provenance.
That is the reason that the Vercelli map may be preferred here as a secondary theater of dispute.
Bagrow seems to have accepted the dating of Errera, as he mentions the map together with that of Hereford. Though Capello announced a comprehensive study, Marcel Destombes followed his hypothesis and everybody after him, as the study of the original map was difficult.


Gervase of Tilbury compares the variation of the world-picture with the crime of false witness in canon law, and even Paulinus Minorita at the beginning of the 14th century cautioned against a correction of the world-picture and only permitted the texts to be modernized. The handwriting of these legends might have been added later; even in Ireland legends may have been corrected or added at a later date.
Nothing of this character is known from other maps, only the rosette of the paradise on the large Vatican map of Isidore of 775 has a comparable position.
But many map-makers abandoned this rule - for instance Matthew Paris (#225), Ranulf Higden (#232), the Mela map of Reims, Pirrus de Noha (#239), Andrea Bianco (#241), Fra Mauro (#249), and Jean Mansel (#205).
The legend on the Hereford map explains Ostricuis, capud anseris, corpus gruis, pedes vituli, ferrum comedit, a legend which would also be suitable for the Vercelli map.
The type is an antique one, and Tyre might be found in a remarkable position on the map of Saint Hieronymus. But the way of symbolizing these places is quite different: the three Beatus maps (Burgo de Osma, Ofia and Lorvao) preserved this information by displaying twelve heads of saints in the countries of their mission.
As maps of large size were set up in public places such as churches or teaching-halls, everybody who passed them was able to add something to or correct legends. A thirty year old semi-invalid of a distinguished English family, she had the rare good luck to ask for the concession to a site that seemed unimportant and a site that no one else wanted. It shows Asia up to India, marking places like the Delhi Sultanate and others with reasonable accuracy. This gulf is described in the fantastical travelogue of the Libro del Conoscimiento (possibly as early as 1350) and finds itself again in the 1459 Fra Mauro map (#249), well before it was discovered by Portuguese explorers. It is difficult, from mere inspection, to decide which rendering is prior in point of execution. The other may have been drawn by a cartographer at the Portuguese court in the following century after Don Pedro the King of Portugala€™s eldest son had returned from his grand tour of Europe. As the drawing of the Caspian basin in the Atlas is better documented and more accurate he concludes that the date of the Medicean Atlas cannot be placed earlier than the last quarter of the 14th century. In passing it can be pointed out that as early as 1321 Marino Sanudo represents the Caspian as a closed sea, showing that, because Pizzigani left it open, there is no reason to suppose that the Laurentian map must be later than 1367. Third, the fact that a€?the world map of Albertin de Virga and the Medicean Atlas both testify to the influence of the Ptolemaic theory on the medieval conception of geography. The coast is portrayed with even comparative accuracy only as far as Cape Non and the prominence given to that headland demonstrates quite clearly that close acquaintance with the coast ended at that point.
The Mons Attalas [Atlas Mountains] have a greatly exaggerated length and reach almost to Egypt. However, since there was a good black and white copy made before 1935, this map in comparison with the Hereford map is a suitable object to demonstrate methodological problems of dating medieval maps in general, and especially to study external features in the way of auxiliary historical sciences. Though it is also damaged, the pictures and the way of painting still may be studied in many instances. In 1976 Capello published his inquisition with detailed photographs of the manuscript map in spite of its poor condition. But it is a mistake to think it shocking if Paradise is omitted on maps of the 13th century; Matthew Paris (#225) omitted it, just as did John of Wallingford. The source of the legend is Alexander Neckam, who also states that the ostrich likes to ingratiate himself by deception so that he swallows even iron. This symbolic style of architecture represents the a€?ordinary type of towna€?, as seen from far away. Capello observed the change of majuscule and minuscule letters on the Vercelli map; that was really the change of monumental and common letters. It was assumed that even an woman amateur with no experience could do little harm at the nearly destroyed Temple of Mut, in a remote location south of the Amun precinct at Karnak. The notion that the West African coast did not extend straight south but took a sharp eastward bend, could be a hazy reference to the actual Gulf of Guinea. In Asia there is a north-south break (masked, as in the case of Africa, by a color wash) occurring approximately in the longitude of the Indus delta, that is, somewhat to the east of the Caspian Sea, which constituted the eastern frontier of the normal portolan chart. 1351 acceptable, but the fact that the reference to that year is in the past tense and also the fact that the de Virga Calendar starts at the year 1301 suggest that Lunar Calendars started from the first year of a century or half-century and that they do not necessarily bear a definite relation with the date of the map.
Only a few years before the construction of de Virgaa€™s map the geographical work of the great Alexandrine had been rendered accessible to scholars of the West by the Latin translation of Jacobus Angelus finished in 1409.a€? Because of this Wieser concludes that the Medicean Atlas cannot be dated earlier than de Virgaa€™s world map. An unnamed and imaginary river having its source in septem montium Pegio et Civitas Tochorum is made to debouch into the Atlantic on the south side of the cape. On their Saharan front they shelter at least five lakes of considerable size, each being the headwaters of a trans-Saharan river. This river is entirely independent of a third Saharan river-unnamed and taking its source in the Mos Aeris (a westward extension of the Mos Lune). Furthermore the de Virga map, which Wieser considers to be the parent map, places the Kingdom of Organa on the far side of the gulf near the India of Pres. The fragment of the Duchy of Cornwall map is too small to give an idea of painting and writing of the whole.
Only the place of Jerusalem caused him any doubt because, since the time of the crusades, it was usually drawn as the center of the world on pictures and in texts; even the way of depicting the earthly paradise was unusual.
He commented on it carefully, tried to decipher the often illegible legends and to interpret them. On the other hand, Paradise is often to be found even on portolan-styled maps of the 15th century and other secular maps such as the Catalan Atlas (#235), the maps of Andrea Bianco (#241), Andreas Walsperger (#245) and Giovanni Leardo (#242), as well as on a map in German language of Hanns Rust (#253.2) in about 1500. The same idea seems to be found on the Isidore map of Munich (CLM 10058) of the 12th century, which is of French provenance and seems to be influenced by the ideas of Hugo of St.
On the Vercelli map the king is not represented in a profitable way, because an ostrich puts its head in the sands and neglects its eggs. Since the writing of the Vercelli Map is faded, it is extremely difficult to analyze the original, which also seems to have been corrected in the Middle Ages and to be completed, as the painter forgot different legends: Austria and Ireland belong to these parts of the map.
She worked there for only three seasons from 1895 to 1897 and she published The Temple of Mut in Asher in 1899 2 with Janet Gourlay, who joined her in the second season.
Nothing is known of the authorship or the raison da€™etre of the work and, beyond the fact that it is of Ligurian provenance, nothing is known of its origin. The historian Peter Russell notes that the Portuguese Prince Henry the Navigator was entranced by the legend of the Sinus Aethiopicus, as it held out the prospect of a direct sea route around West Africa to the Christian kingdom of Prester Johna€™s Ethiopian Empire, avoiding the complications of travelling through the Muslim lands of Egypt to reach it. In this the Medicean Atlas recalls the Pizzigani Chart of 1367 alone of all mid- and late 14th century maps, suggesting that the date is early rather than late. Joanes - a tacit acknowledgment that that region was not intended to represent terra incognita of Ptolemy. As he was no medievalist, many mistakes apparently took place, which might have been corrected with the help of the reproduction in Kamal but Capello was unaware of it. Moreover it is not quite clear what he is holding in his hand, a flag, a whip, a brush, or any attribute of his boldness. In the introduction to that publication of her work she emphasized that it was the first time any woman had been given permission by the Egyptian Department of Antiquities to excavate; she was well aware that it was something of an accomplishment. The author of the Medici-Laurentian atlas is known that he comes from the Liguria region of Italy (probably Genoese), and might have composed it for a Florentine owner. In the Medici Atlas, the depth of the penetration of the Sinus indeed almost reaches Ethiopia.
Among the decipherable words in this hand the following are significant: Mangi, Cipangala(?), Kinsai and Gugut(?). On this theory it is possible that the colored and more plausible rendering dates from the time when the true conformation of the African coast was being disclosed.
Curiously enough the only inscription relating to the traffic of the region is unassociated with any of these rivers, being situated near the western extremity of the continent in Provincia Ganuya. Moreover, his attention was attracted to a bizarre bird with an iron horseshoe in its beak and a riding king sitting on it, who swings a brush or flag in his hand.
Capello compared the legends with the maps of Ebstorf and Hereford as there are many similarities, and also referred to Beatus as a model. There are other connections between the Vercelli map and the Victorines with regard to scholastic ideas. Philip III is no person of glory in contrast to his father, and the connection with Africa might be a short-lived one. The atlas is explicitly dated 1351 (as per its astronomical calendar), but scholars believed it was more likely composed around 1370, possibly from earlier material, and probably amended further later, with emendations as late as 1425-50.
Secondly there are two versions of the southeastern extremity of the continent, one in color and the other in ink: the latter appears to have been superimposed upon the former.
In deciding about the ink outline we are helped by the world map of Albertin de Virga, dated 1415 (#240). A legend presents him as Philippus rex Francie; and Errera considered this small scene to be the key for dating the map.
But since the Vercelli map was thought to be fairly illegible during the past decades, his hypothetic dating has always been accepted by recent research without criticism.
The dislocation of Jerusalem on the Vercelli map is not extraordinary and should not be used as a mark for dating. There remains the question whether this fact allows a terminus ante quem, for instance only a short time after 1270.
The more a region was actually known, there was less space free for monsters, mysteries, old and historical places. The way of writing in western and southern parts of Europe precedes always that of Middle Europe. A comparison of the two maps suggests that the author (or editor) of the Laurentian map was acquainted with this work, for while the correspondence between the two is only general, it is distinctive and can hardly have been fortuitous as no other medieval maps introduce the Terrestrial Paradise and its river system under exactly the same guise.
Finally the center of the map is not quite exact, as the border is missing today at the poles. Even the architecture of the Hereford map resembles that of Vercelli: it is not English but European. But countries faraway, or of old tradition without new information, offered possibilities to fill the picture in order to avoid blank spaces on the map. The miniscule letters of the Vercelli map are typical for the 13th century, and they do not show the character of the beginning of the 14th century: There are no combined curves of different letters.
We were frankly warned that we should make no discoveries; indeed if any had been anticipated, it was unlikely that the clearance would have been entrusted to inexperienced direction. De la Ronciere, for instance, speaks of the map with its a€?prescience de la forme reelle de la€™Afrique avant le periple Portuguaisa€? [foreknowledge of the actual shape of Africa before the Portuguese exploration]. In addition, the symbols are not limited to the time of Cardinal Guala Bicchieri, but the these conventional map symbols are common for the middle of the 13th to the 14th century.
The middle space of the four-lines-system is curtailed typical for the 13th century in cursive manner. 3 A Margaret Benson was born June 16, 1865, one of the six children of Edward White Benson. He was first an assistant master at Rugby, then the first headmaster of the newly founded Wellington College.He rose in the service of the church as Chancellor of the diocese of Lincoln, Bishop of Truro and, finally, Archbishop of Canterbury. Yet the texts are divided by the chapter symbols like in literary texts: maybe the map-maker had the text as a model, not a painting of large size. Another characteristic is a light incline to the right and the unequal measure for the middle line; the writer was apparently not an artist in writing.
He often uses abbreviations even for names such as Johannes, that means he was accustomed to theological texts. Benson was a learned man with a wide knowledge of history and a serious concern for the education of the young. He was also something of a poet and one of his hymns is still included in the American Episcopal Hymnal. Arthur Christopher, the eldest, was first a master at Eton and then at Magdalen College, Cambridge.
A noted author and poet with an enormous literary output, he published over fifty books, most of an inspirational nature, but he was also the author of monographs on D. He helped to edit the correspondence of Queen Victoria for publication, contributed poetry to The Yellow Book, and wrote the words to the anthem "Land of Hope and Glory". Most important to the study of the excavator of the Mut Temple, he was the author of The Life and Letters of Maggie Benson, 4 a sympathetic biography which helps to shed some light on her short archaeological career. He also wrote several reminiscences of his family in which he included his sister and described his involvement in her excavations.
He helped to supervise part of the work and he prepared the plan of the temple which was used in her eventual publication.
His younger brother, Robert Hugh Benson, took Holy Orders in the Church of England, later converted to Roman Catholicism and was ordained a priest in that rite. He also achieved some fame as a novelist and poet and rose to the position of Papal Chamberlain. Her publication of the excavation is cited in every reference to theTemple of Mut in the Egyptological literature, but she is known to history as a name in a footnote and little else.A Margaret Benson was born at Wellington College during her father's tenure as headmaster. Each career advancement for him meant a move for the family so her childhood was spent in a series of official residences until she went to Oxford in 1883. She was eighteen when she was enrolled at Lady Margaret Hall, a women's college founded only four years before.
One of her tutors commented to his sister that he was sorry Margaret had not been able to read for "Greats" in the normal way.
5 When she took a first in the Women's Honours School of Philosophy, he said, "No one will realize how brilliantly she has done." 6 Since her work was not compared to that of her male contemporaries, it would have escaped noticed. In her studies she concentrated on political economy and moral sciences but she was also active in many aspects of the college.
She participated in dramatics, debating and sports but her outstanding talent was for drawing and painting in watercolor. Her skill was so superior he thought she should be appointed drawing mistress if she remained at Lady Margaret Hall for any length of time. A  I learned something from every man I met or exchanged emails with, and Lou taught me a few words in Spanish.A  Ole!
She began a work titled "The Venture of Rational Faith" which occupied her thoughts for many years.
From the titles alone they suggest a young woman who was deeply concerned with problems of society and the spirit and this preoccupation with the spiritual was to be one of her concerns throughout the rest of her life. In some of her letters from Egypt it is clear that she was attempting to understand something of the spiritual life of the ancient Egyptians, not a surprising interest for the daughter of a churchman like Edward White Benson. A In 1885, at the age of twenty, Margaret was taken ill with scarlet fever while at Zermatt in Switzerland. By the time she was twenty-five she had developed the symptoms of rheumatism and the beginnings of arthritis. She made her first voyage to Egypt in 1894 because the warm climate was considered to be beneficial for those who suffered from her ailments. Wintering in Egypt was highly recommended at the time for a wide range of illnesses ranging from simple asthma to "mental strain." Lord Carnarvon, Howard Carter's sponsor in the search for the tomb of Tutankhamun, was one of the many who went to Egypt for reasons of health. After Cairo and Giza she went on by stages as far as Aswan and the island temples of Philae. She commented on the "wonderful calm" of the Great Sphinx, the physical beauty of the Nubians, the color of the stone at Philae, the descent of the cataract by boat, which she said was "not at all dangerous". By the end of January she was established in Luxor with a program of visits to the monuments set out. I don't feel as if I should have really had an idea of Egypt at all if I hadn't stayed here -- the Bas-reliefs of kings in chariots are only now beginning to look individual instead of made on a pattern, and the immensity of the whole thing is beginning to dawn -- and the colours, oh my goodness! The ancient language and script she found fascinating but she was not as interested in reading classical Arabic. Her interest was maintained by the variety of animal and bird life for at home in England she had been surrounded by domestic animals and had always been keen on keeping pets. We can take a little walk, maybe get our feet wet, and then lie on a blanket and listen to the waves.
By the time her first stay ended in March, 1894, she had already resolved to return in the fall. When Margaret returned to Egypt in November she had already conceived the idea of excavating a site and thus applied to the Egyptian authorities. Edouard Naville, the Swiss Egyptologist who was working at the Temple of Hatshepsut at Dier el Bahri for the Egypt Exploration Fund, wrote to Henri de Morgan, Director of the Department of Antiquities, on her behalf. From her letters of the time, it is clear that this was one of the most exciting moments of Margaret Benson's life because she was allowed to embark on what she considered a great adventure.
A Margaret's physical condition at the beginning of the excavation was of great concern to the family.
I do the same thing myself, when the mood strikes.A  And how about this for being an "in tune with women" kinda guy?A  A few days after I had ordered myself 2 new green dresses and several in black to add to my collection from a mail order company named Newport News, he sent an email asking:A  "So, what are you wearing right now? A Margaret Benson had no particular training to qualify or prepare her for the job but what she lacked in experience she more than made up for with her "enthusiastic personality" and her intellectual curiosity.
In the preface to The Temple of Mut in Asher she said that she had no intention of publishing the work because she had been warned that there was little to find. In the introduction to The Temple of Mut in Asher acknowledgments were made and gratitude was offered to a number of people who aided in the work in various ways. The professional Egyptologists and archaeologists included Naville, Petrie, de Morgan, Brugsch, Borchardt, Daressy, Hogarth and especially Percy Newberry who translated the inscriptions on all of the statues found. Lea), 10 a Colonel Esdaile, 11 and Margaret's brother, Fred, helped in the supervision of the work in one or more seasons. A It is usually assumed that Margaret Benson and Janet Gourlay worked only as amateurs, with little direction and totally inexperienced help.
It is clear from the publication that Naville helped to set up the excavation and helped to plan the work. Hogarth 12 gave advice in the direction of the digging and Newberry was singled out for his advice, suggestions and correction as well as "unwearied kindness." Margaret's brother, Fred, helped his inexperienced sister by supervising some of the work as well as making a measured plan of the temple which is reproduced in the publication. A  For Christ Sake!!A  How about saving the Taxpayers a buck?A  In addition to that $6 million you've already blown by hovering and covering me, and scheduling a proper Face to Base meeting in your office; at my convenience?


Benson) was qualified to help because he had intended to pursue archaeology as a career, studied Classical Languages and archaeology at Cambridge, and was awarded a scholarship at King's College on the basis of his work. He organized a small excavation at Chester to search for Roman legionary tomb stones built into the town wall and the results of his efforts were noticed favorably by Theodore Mommsen, the great nineteenth century classicist, and by Mr. Benson went on to excavate at Megalopolis in Greece for the British School at Athens and published the result of his work in the Journal of Hellenic Studies.
His first love was Greece and its antiquities and it is probable that concern for his sister's health was a more important reason for him joining the excavation than an interest in the antiquities of Egypt. 13A It is interesting to speculate as to why a Victorian woman was drawn to the Temple of Mut. The precinct of the goddess who was the consort of Amun, titled "Lady of Heaven", and "Mistress of all the Gods", is a compelling site and was certainly in need of further exploration in Margaret's time.
Its isolation and the arrangement with the Temple of Mut enclosed on three sides by its own sacred lake made it seem even more romantic. 14 When she began the excavation three days was considered enough time to "do" the monuments of Luxor and Margaret said that few people could be expected to spend even a half hour at in the Precinct of Mut. A On her first visit to Egypt in 1894 she had gone to see the temple because she had heard about the granite statues with cats' heads (the lion-headed images of Sakhmet). The donkey-boys knew how to find the temple but it was not considered a "usual excursion" and after her early visits to the site she said that "The temple itself was much destroyed, and the broken walls so far buried, that one could not trace the plan of more than the outer court and a few small chambers". Dramatic, but no drama.A  Short black skirt, or long black dress?A  Heels or boots?A  Camo, or commando?
15 The Precinct of the Goddess Mut is an extensive field of ruins about twenty-two acres in size, of which Margaret had chosen to excavate only the central structure. Connected to the southernmost pylons of the larger Amun Temple of Karnak by an avenue of sphinxes, the Mut precinct contains three major temples and a number of smaller structures in various stages of dilapidation.
She noted some of these details in her initial description of the site, but in three short seasons she was only able to work inside the Mut Temple proper and she cleared little of its exterior.
Serious study of the temple complex was started at least as early as the expedition of Napoleon at the end of the eighteenth century when artists and engineers attached to the military corps measured the ruins and made drawings of some of the statues. During the first quarter of the nineteenth century, the great age of the treasure hunters in Egypt, Giovanni Belzoni carried away many of the lion-headed statues and pieces of sculpture to European museums. Champollion, the decipherer of hieroglyphs, and Karl Lepsius, the pioneer German Egyptologist, both visited the precinct, copied inscriptions and made maps of the remains.16 August Mariette had excavated there and believed that he had exhausted the site. Most of the travelers and scholars who had visited the precinct or carried out work there left some notes or sketches of what they saw and these were useful as references for the new excavation.
Since some of the early sources on the site are quoted in her publication, Margaret was obviously aware of their existence. 17A On her return to Egypt at the end of November, 1894, she stopped at Mena House hotel at Giza and for a short time at Helwan, south of Cairo.
Helwan was known for its sulphur springs and from about 1880 it had become a popular health resort, particularly suited for the treatment of the sorts of maladies from which Margaret suffered.
People at every turn asked if she remembered them and her donkey-boy almost wept to see her. A "On January 1st, 1895, we began the excavation" -- with a crew composed of four men, sixteen boys (to carry away the earth), an overseer, a night guardian and a water carrier. The largest the work gang would be in the three seasons of excavation was sixteen or seventeen men and eighty boys, still a sizable number. Before the work started Naville came to "interview our overseer and show us how to determine the course of the work".
A A good part of Margaret's time was occupied with learning how to supervise the workmen and the basket boys.
Since her spoken Arabic was almost nonexistent, she had to use a donkey-boy as a translator. It would have been helpful if she had had the opportunity to work on an excavation conducted by a professional and profit from the experience but she was eager to learn and had generally good advice at her disposal so she proceeded in an orderly manner and began to clear the temple. On the second of January she wrote to her mother: "I don't think much will be found of little things, only walls, bases of pillars, and possibly Cat-statues. I shall feel rather like --'Massa in the shade would lay While we poor niggers toiled all day' -- for I am to have a responsible overseer, and my chief duty apparently will be paying. 18A She is described as riding out from the Luxor Hotel on donkey-back with bags of piaster pieces jingling for the Saturday payday. She had been warned to pay each man and boy personally rather than through the overseer to reduce the chances of wages disappearing into the hands of intermediaries. The workmen believed that she was at least a princess and they wanted to know if her father lived in the same village as the Queen of England. When they sang their impromptu work songs (as Egyptian workmen still do) they called Margaret the "Princess" and her brother Fred the "Khedive". A PART II: THE EXCAVATIONSA The clearance was begun in the northern, outer, court of the temple where Mariette had certainly worked. Until then, as in the end,there is much more to come.A A A  Once Upon a Time, a little mushroom popped through the moss covered ground of the Southeast Alaska Rainforest. Earth was banked to the north side of the court, against the back of the ruined first pylon but on the south it had been dug out even below the level of the pavement. Mariette's map is inaccurate in a number of respects suggesting that he was not able to expose enough of the main walls. At the first (northern) gate it was necessary for Margaret Benson to clear ten or twelve feet of earth to reach the paving stones at the bottom. In the process they found what were described as fallen roofing blocks, a lion-headed statue lying across and blocking the way, and also a small sandstone head of a hippopotamus. In the clearance of the court the bases of four pairs of columns were found, not five as on Mariette's map. After working around the west half of the first court and disengaging eight Sakhmet statues in the process, they came on their first important find.
Near the west wall of the court, was discovered a block statue of a man named Amenemhet, a royal scribe of the time of Amenhotep II. The statue is now in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo 19 but Margaret was given a cast of it to take home to England. When it was discovered she wrote to her father: A My Dearest Papa, We have had such a splendid find at the Temple of Mut that I must write to tell you about it. We were just going out there on Monday, when we met one of our boys who works there running to tell us that they had found a statue. When we got there they were washing it, and it proved to be a black granite figure about two feet high, knees up to its chin, hands crossed on them, one hand holding a lotus. 20A The government had appointed an overseer who spent his time watching the excavation for just such finds.
He reported it to a sub-inspector who immediately took the block statue away to a store house and locked it up.
He said it was hard that Margaret should not have "la jouissance de la statue que vous avez trouve" and she was allowed to take it to the hotel where she could enjoy it until the end of the season when it would become the property of the museum.
The statue had been found on the pavement level, apparently in situ, suggesting to the excavator that this was good evidence for an earlier dating for the temple than was generally believed at the time. The presence of a statue on the floor of a temple does not necessarily date the temple, but many contemporary Egyptologists might have come to the same conclusion. One visitor to the site recalled that a party of American tourists were perplexed when Margaret was pointed out to them as the director of the dig. At that moment she and a friend were sitting on the ground quarreling about who could build the best sand castle. This was probably not the picture of an "important" English Egyptologist that the Americans had expected. A As work was continued in the first court other broken statues of Sakhmet were found as well as two seated sandstone baboons of the time of Ramesses III. 21 The baboons went to the museum in Cairo, a fragment of a limestone stela was eventually consigned to a store house in Luxor and the upper part of a female figure was left in the precinct where it was recently rediscovered.
The small objects found in the season of 1895 included a few coins, a terra cotta of a reclining "princess", some beads, Roman pots and broken bits of bronze.
Grant, Attorney at Law, Juneau, AK From Wedding Bells to Tales to Tell: The Affidavit of Eric William Swanson, my former spouse AFFIDAVIT OF SHANNON MARIE MCCORMICK, My Former Best Friend THE AFFIDAVIT OF VALERIE BRITTINA ROSE, My daughter, aged 21 THE BEAGLE BRAYS! Time was spent repositioning Sakhmet statues which appeared to be out of place based on what was perceived as a pattern for their arrangement. Even if they were correct they could not be sure that they were reconstructing the original ancient placement of the statues in the temple or some modification of the original design. In the spirit of neatness and attempting to leave the precinct in good order, they also repaired some of the statues with the aid of an Italian plasterer, hired especially for that purpose.
A Margaret was often bed ridden by her illnesses and she was subject to fits of depression as well but she and her brother Fred would while away the evenings playing impromptu parlor games. For a fancy dress ball at the Luxor Hotel she appeared costumed as the goddess Mut, wearing a vulture headdress which Naville praised for its ingenuity. The resources in the souk of Luxor for fancy dress were nonexistent but Margaret was resourceful enough to find material with which to fabricate a costume based, as she said, on "Old Egyptian pictures." A The results of the first season would have been gratifying for any excavator.
In a short five weeks the "English Lady" had begun to clear the temple and to note the errors on the older plans available to her.
She had started a program of reconstruction with the idea of preserving some of the statues of Sakhmet littering the site. She had found one statue of great importance and the torso of another which did not seem so significant to her. Her original intention of digging in a picturesque place where she had been told there was nothing much to be found was beginning to produce unexpected results.A The Benson party arrived in Egypt for the second season early in January of 1896. After a trip down to, they reached Luxor Aswan around the twenty-sixth and the work began on the thirtieth.
That day Margaret was introduced to Janet Gourlay who had come to assist with the excavation.
The beginning of the long relationship between "Maggie" Benson and "Nettie" Gourlay was not signaled with any particular importance. By May of the same year she was to write (also to her mother): "I like her more and more -- I haven't liked anyone so well in years".
Miss Benson and Miss Gourlay seemed to work together very well and to share similar reactions and feelings. They were to remain close friends for much of Margaret's life, visiting and travelling together often.
Their correspondence reflects a deep mutual sympathy and Janet was apparently much on Margaret's mind because she often mentioned her friend in writing to others.
After her relationship with Margaret Benson she faded into obscurity and even her family has been difficult to trace, although a sister was located a few years ago.
A For the second season in 1896 the work staff was a little larger, with eight to twelve men, twenty-four to thirty-six boys, a rais (overseer), guardians and the necessary water carrier.
With the first court considered cleared in the previous season, work was begun at the gate way between the first and second courts. An investigation was made of the ruined wall between these two courts and the conclusion was drawn that it was "a composite structure" suggesting that part of the wall was of a later date than the rest.
The wall east of the gate opening is of stone and clearly of at least two building periods while the west side has a mud brick core faced on the south with stone. Margaret thought the west half of the wall to be completely destroyed because it was of mud brick which had never been replaced by stone.
She found the remains of "more than one row of hollow pots" which she thought had been used as "air bricks" in some later rebuilding. Originally built of mud brick, like many of the structures in the Precinct of Mut, the south face of both halves of the wall was sheathed with stone one course thick no later than the Ramesside Period. During the Ptolemaic Period the core of the east half of the mud brick wall was replaced with stone but the Ramesside sheathing was retained.
Here the untrained excavator was beginning to understand some of the problems of clearing a temple structure in Egypt. Mariette's plan of the second chamber probably seemed accurate after a superficial examination so a complete clearing seemed unnecessary. Other fragments were found and the original height of the seated statue was estimated between fourteen and sixteen feet high.
The following year de Morgan, the Director General of the Department of Antiquities, ordered the head sent to the museum in Cairo The finding of the large lion head is mentioned in a letter from Margaret to her mother dated February 9, 1896, 22. In the same letter she also mentions the discovery of a statue of Ramesses II on the day before the letter was written. 23.Her published letters often give exact or close dates of discoveries whereas her later publication in the Temple of Mut in Asher was an attempt at a narrative of the work in some order of progression through the temple and dates are often lacking. About the same time that the giant lion head was found some effort was made to raise a large cornerstone block but a crowbar was bent and a rope was broken.
The end result of the activity is not explained at that point and the location of the corner not given but it can probably be identified with the southeast cornerstone of the Mut Temple mentioned later in a description of the search for foundation deposits. A Somewhere near the central axis of the second court, but just inside the gateway, they came on the upper half of a royal statue with nemes headdress and the remains of a false beard.
There had been inscriptions on the shoulder and back pillar but these had been methodically erased. The lower half was found a little later and it was possible to reconstruct an over life-sized, nearly complete, seated statue of a king.
The excavators published it as "possibly" Tutankhamun, an identification not accepted today, and it is still to be seen, sitting to the east of the gateway, facing into the second court.24 A large statue of Sakhmet was also found, not as large as the colossal head, but larger than the other figures still in the precinct and in most Egyptian collections. It was also reconstructed and left in place, on the west side of the doorway where it is one of the most recognizable landmarks in the temple. In the clearance of the second court a feature described as a thin wall built out from the north wall was found in the northeast corner. HELL'S BELLS: THE TELLS OF THE ELVES RING LOUD AND CLEAR IDENTITY THEFT, MISINFORMATION, AND THE GETTING THE INFAMOUS RUNAROUND Double Entendre and DoubleSpeak, Innuendos and Intimidation, Coercion v Common Sense, Komply (with a K) v Knowledge = DDIICCKK; Who's Gunna Call it a Draw? It was later interpreted by the nineteenth century excavators as part of the arrangement for a raised cloister and it was not until recent excavation that it was identified as the lower part of the wall of a small chapel, built against the north wall of the court.
The process of determining any sequence of the levels in the second court was complicated by the fact that it had been worked over by earlier treasure hunters and archaeologists. In some cases statues were found below the original floor level, leading to the assumption that some pieces had fallen, broken the pavement, and sunk into the floor of their own weight. It is more probable that the stone floors had been dug out and undermined in the search for antiquities.
A An attempt was made to put the area in order for future visitors as the excavation progressed. This included the reconstruction of some of the statues as found and the moving of others in a general attempt to neaten the appearance of the temple. Other finds made in the second court included inscribed blocks too large to move or reused in parts of walls still standing. The statue identified as Ramesses II, mentioned in Margaret's letter of February 9, was found on the southwest side of the court, near the center.
It was a seated figure in pink granite, rather large in size, but when it was completely uncovered it was found to be broken through the middle with the lower half in an advanced state of disintegration. The upper part was in relatively good condition except for the left shoulder and arm and it was eventually awarded to the excavators. A Mention was also made of several small finds from the second court including a head of a god in black stone and part of the vulture headdress from a statue of a goddess or a queen. The recent ongoing excavations carried out by the Brooklyn Museum have revealed a female head with traces of a vulture headdress as well as a number of fragments of legs and feet which suggest that the head of the god found by Margaret Benson was from a pair statue representing Amun and Mut.
Another important discovery she made on the south side of the court was a series of sandstone relief blocks representing the arrival at Thebes of Nitocris, daughter of Psamtik I, as God's Wife of Amun.25A At some time during the season Margaret was made aware of the possibility that foundation deposits might still be in place.
These dedicatory deposits were put down at the time of the founding of a structure or at a time of a major rebuilding, and they are often found under the cornerstones, the thresholds or under major walls, usually in the center. They contain a number of small objects including containers for food offerings, model tools and model bricks or plaques inscribed with the name of the ruler. The importance of finding such a deposit in the Temple of Mut was obvious to Margaret because it would prove to everyone's satisfaction who had built the temple, or at least who had made additions to it. A They first looked for foundation deposits in the middle of the gateway between the first and second courts.
At the same time another part of the crew was clearing the innermost rooms in the south part of the temple. Under the central of the three chambers they discovered a subterranean crypt with an entrance so small that it had to be excavated by "a small boy with a trowel". This chamber has been re-cleared in recent years and proved to be a small rectangular room with traces of an erased one-line text around the four walls. In antiquity the access seems to have been hidden by a paving stone which had to be lifted each time the room was entered.
A The search for foundation deposits continued in the southeast corner of the temple (probably the place where the crowbar was bent and the rope broken).
Again no deposit was found but in digging around the cornerstone, below the original ground level, they began to find statues and fragments of statues. As the earth continued to yield more and more pieces of sculpture, Legrain arrived from the Amun Temple, where he was supervising the excavation, and announced his intention to take everything away to the storehouse. Aside from the pleasure of the find, it was important to have the objects at hand for study, comparison and the copying of inscriptions.



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