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DESCRIPTION: The profound difference between the Roman and the Greek mind is illustrated with peculiar clarity in their maps. Although copies of Agrippaa€™s map were taken to all of the great cities of the Roman Empire, not a single copy has survived. Shown here are three continents in more or less symmetrical arrangements with Asia in the east at the top of the map (hence the term orientation). Note that most scholars, however, believe that due to its placement on the column in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsani, it was probably rectangular, not circular.
The only reported Roman world map before Agrippaa€™s was the one that Julius Caesar commissioned but never lived to see completed.
We may speculate whether this map was flat and circular, even though such a shape might have been considered a€?unscientifica€™ and poorly adapted to the shape of the known world.
Augustus had a practical interest in sponsoring the new map of the inhabited world entrusted to Agrippa. In point of fact Augustus may have delegated the detailed checking to one of his freedmen, such as his librarian C.
We may treat as secondary sources Orosius, Historiae adversum paganos, and the Irish geographical writer Dicuil (AD 825).
It is also claimed that Strabo (#115) obtained his figures for Italy, Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily from Agrippa. Although the term chorographia literally means a€?regional topographya€?, it seems to include fairly detailed cartography of the known world. For a more complete assessment of what Agrippa wrote or ordered to be put on his map, we may again turn to passages where Pliny quotes him specifically as reference. It is a pity that Pliny, who seems to be chiefly interested in measurements, gives us so little other information about Agrippaa€™s map.
It is the sea above all which shapes and defines the land, fashioning gulfs, oceans and straits, and likewise isthmuses, peninsulas and promontories. A serious point of disagreement among scholars has been whether the commentarii of Agrippa mentioned by Pliny were published at the time of construction of the portico. Another element in this problem that demands some explanation is the origin of the two later works the Demensuratio provinciarum and the Divisio orbis terrarum which are both derived from Agrippa, probably through a common source.
Apart from the information supplied by Pliny, our chief evidence for the reconstruction of the map is provided by the two works already mentioned, the Demensuratio provinciarum and the Divisio orbis terrarum. Dicuil, in his preface, promises to give the measurement of the provinces made by the envoys of the Emperor Theodosius, and at the end of chapter five he quotes twelve verses of these envoys in which they describe their procedure. According to Tierney, Detlefsen regarded these two works as derived from small-scale copies of Agrippaa€™s map. Tierney believes however, that the west to east movement supposed by Klotz is, in fact, correct, but not for his reasons. Our idea of the detail of the map of Agrippa must be based on a study of the references in Strabo, Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio. There are twenty-four sections in the Divisio and thirty in the Demensuratio, the difference being mainly due to the absence from the Divisio of the sections on the islands of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. These sections are largely identical with passages in Plinya€™s geographical books (Books III to VI), and show that many passages in Pliny are taken from Agrippa beyond those where he is actually named. The consensus of the views of modern scholars on Agrippaa€™s map, is that it represents a conscientious attempt to give a credible version of the geography of the known world.
But this consensus is not quite complete and therefore I now turn to consider the view of Agrippaa€™s map put forward by Professor Paul Schnabel in his article in Philologus of 1935. Schnabel does not himself take up the general question of the use of Agrippa by Marinus and Ptolemy. Schnabel here refers to the last chapter of the geographical books of Plinya€™s Natural History, that is, Book VI, cap. Schnabel continues with the negative argument that the Don parallel cannot belong to the school of Hipparchus.
We may speculate as to whether Plinya€™s phrase regarding the a€?careful later students,a€? does not refer to Nigidius himself.
Schnabel next moves on to a more ambitious argument, making the assumption that Ptolemy has used some of Agrippaa€™s reckonings to establish points in his geography. It is sad to think that this elegant piece of reasoning must be thrown overboard, but Tierney believes it must be rejected on at least three different counts. In the second place Schnabela€™s statement that Agrippa reduced the itinerary figure of 745 miles to a straight line of 411 cannot be accepted.
Thirdly, it may fairly be objected that the very method by which Schnabel obtains the figure of 411 miles is faulty. Tierney passes over Schnabela€™s reasons for thinking that Agrippa established lines of meridian in Spain and in the eastern Mediterranean, all of which Tierney finds quite unconvincing. Schnabela€™s attempt to present us with a scientific Agrippa and indeed to reconstruct a scientific Roman geography may be regarded a complete failure, and the older view of Detlefsen and Klotz must be regarded as correct. From another well-known passage in Strabo (V, 3, 8, C, 235-236) that contains a panegyric [a public speech or published text in praise of someone or something] on the fine buildings of Augustan Rome, we know that he was well acquainted with the dedications of Marcus Agrippa that he specifically mentions.
Strabo shows the contemporary Roman view of the purely practical purposes of geography and of cartography by everywhere insisting on restricting to a minimum the astronomical and mathematical element in geographical study. This would mean then that Agrippaa€™s map was based on the general scheme of the Greek maps which had been current for upwards of 200 years, since the time of Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, and that it presumably attempted to complete and rectify this scheme by using recent Roman route-books and the reports of soldiers, merchants and travelers. Towards the end of the fourth century two important events greatly enlarged the scope of geography. About a century later the famous astronomer Hipparchus subjected the geography of Eratosthenes to rather stringent criticisms. The next geographer whose views are well known us is Strabo (#115), who was writing at the time of the construction of Agrippaa€™s map or some years later. If, then, progress was no longer being made or to be expected from Greek geographers using various astronomical instruments, was anything to be expected from the other tradition, the Roman roads and their itineraries?
We must then approach the map of Agrippa on a purely factual basis realizing that it provides us merely a list of boundaries followed by a length and breadth, for the areas within the Empire and beyond it. Fundamentally, therefore, Agrippaa€™s figures allow us to construct a series of boxes or rectangle with which to deck out the shores of the Mediterranean and the eastern world and whose dimensions should be reduced by an uncertain amount.
Spain consists of three boxes, the square of Lusitania and the rectangle of the Hispania citerior [Roman province] east of it being placed over the rectangle of BA¦tica. In Gaul [France] a large rectangle lies over a small one, that is Gallia Comata over the province of Narbonensis.
The islands of the Mediterranean are not forgotten, at least the major ones, just as Italy lies too far to the southeast, so do Corsica and Sardinia lie too far to the southwest. The eastern Mediterranean is faced by Syria whose longitude Pliny (V, 671 states as 470 miles between Cilicia and Arabia, and whose latitude is 175 miles from Seleucia Pieria on the coast to Zeugma on the Euphrates. We have now either reached or gone beyond the boundaries of the Roman Empire in the north, south and east, as it was in Agrippaa€™s day. The most important achievement of the map, to Agrippaa€™s mind, consisted in its measurements, and it is possible that he spent very considerable pains in getting these exactly, although we cannot take the account given by Honorius (ca.
The exact correspondence between Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio, in giving many of the boundaries of the sections, shows, according to Detlefsen, that these boundaries also were inscribed upon the map.
Klotz, in his final review of Agrippaa€™s methods of work, has made some illuminating points that supplement Detlefsen. Within the Empire he chiefly used the itineraries without the overt use of an astronomical backing, although astronomical data, of course, already formed the basis of the Greek maps that were the real foundation of his. Klotz, A., a€?Die geographischen commentarii des Agrippa und ihre Uberrestea€?, Klio 25, 1931, 35ff, 386ff.
Note that most scholar, however, believe that due to its placement on the column in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsani, it was probably rectangular, not circular. According to Fisher seeing that this is a Roman world map sharing many similarities with the mappaemundi, it is logical to assume that SchA¶nera€™s southern landmass is a copy of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum, the Roman world map upon which the mappaemundi were based. Within the context of the early 16th century, it seems apparent that SchA¶ner found himself caught up in the perfect cartographic storm.
All these parts were in place when an errant 1508 report of a strait at the tip of South America with a large southern continent lying beneath inspired SchA¶ner to unwittingly preserve the only copy of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum on the bottom of his 1515 world globe.
When medieval Christians began creating the mappaemundi they borrowed heavily from Agrippaa€™s map as well as Greek designs. This design adjustment may also explain the Expositio mappemundi (EMM), manuscripts which are a collection of the data items appearing on the mappaemundi. It was reverse engineered from the mappaemundi, but plays it relatively safe in its assumptions.
The new found design also provides for the first time insights into the inspiration for key design aspects on the mappaemundi such as the tribute to Jesus at the top of the map, the transition from a separate commentary requiring locative terminology to commentary overlain onto the mappaemundi no longer requiring spatial references, and the distribution of images from a consolidated arced matrix lying above Africa on SchA¶nera€™s design to areas throughout the mappaemundi.
In conclusion, Fisher believes that he has presented a solid logical case for the historic discovery of a long lost 2,000-year-old Roman world map at the bottom of the world, SchA¶nera€™s world that is. As collectors, dealers, and curators across the world make plans to attend the Spring 1999 a€?Asia Weeka€? in New York, they will notice that for the first time in recent memory neither Sothebya€™s nor Christiea€™s has scheduled a specialized auction of Chinese paintings. In my former position as Director of the Chinese Painting Department at Sothebya€™s I devoted much time and energy and more than a decade of my life to establish and maintain New York as a major center of the international Chinese painting market. I remember clearly the first time I set foot in the old Sotheby Parke Bernet on Madison Avenue. The sale was held on November 2, 1979 and was a watershed event for the market for Chinese paintings in America, as well as the beginning of my career as a Chinese art dealer. With the support of James Lally, then head of the Chinese Works of Art Department, we introduced a full range of Chinese paintings and calligraphy, including purely decorative works, modern and contemporary paintings, as well as pre-modern Chinese paintings, to a small but enthusiastic American audience, and in doing so helped to establish a legitimate price structure for individual artists and for the various types of anonymous Chinese paintings. In May 1980, Sothebya€™s Hong Kong held its first sale of modern Chinese paintings, with Paula taking responsibility for the offerings. The decade of the 1980s saw the market for Chinese paintings increase exponentially due to a confluence of a number of factors. In order to accommodate regional tastes, both Sothebya€™s and Christiea€™s adopted, for the most part, the strategy of offering the best 19th and 20th century Chinese paintings in Hong Kong while holding sales of Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasty paintings in New York. The most rewarding aspect of working at one of the major auction houses, at least from the standpoint of an expert department, is the ability to discover and make available to the public previously unknown or little-known works of art. Readera€™s Digest has recently been the subject of many art columns because of the highly successful auction held at Sothebya€™s featuring a significant portion of their corporate holdings of Modern and Contemporary paintings. The international character of the Chinese paintings market encouraged a global approach to marketing, in which Hong Kong and New York auctions complemented rather than competed with one another.
Another important work of Yuan dynasty calligraphy appeared in Sothebya€™s New York June 1985 auction of Fine Chinese Paintings. The great majority of works bought and sold at auction are done so anonymously, particularly in a relatively new market such as Chinese paintings.
The most exciting collection I ever worked on, however, was perhaps more interesting because of its owner than for its contents, although the collection did contain several masterpieces.
At this time Zhang Xueliang was technically still under house arrest but, as he had already outlived most of his detractors and he posed no threat to the government of the Republic of China, he led a fairly unfettered existence and was even permitted to visit friends and go out to dinner. By the time Zhang Xueliang was finally released from house arrest in 1988, many of his best paintings had already been sold through New York auctions, but he still retained in Taiwan a large number of paintings and calligraphy, including hundreds of fan paintings.
The success of the Dingyuanzhai auction was the culmination of a trend which had begun in the mid-eighties--the dominance of Taiwanese buyers in the Chinese art market. Taiwanese buyers were not a factor in the sale of a 17th century masterpiece six months later at Sothebya€™s.
The sale of the Wu Bin handscroll in December 1989, was clearly the highlight of my career at Sothebya€™s. There were many reasons why I resigned from my position at Sothebya€™s in October 1992, after turning down a significant promotion. In 1995 Christiea€™s began producing semi-annual sales of a€?Fine Classical Chinese Paintingsa€? in Hong Kong, based on the presumption that the majority of buyers were in Asia and that holding sales closer to home would allow Christiea€™s to take advantage of the a€?Pacific rima€? economic boom.
Yet, in the six years that have passed since my resignation, both Sothebya€™s and Christiea€™s have held auctions in New York and they have continued to offer a number of excellent works. Nevertheless, there is no lack of interest for Chinese paintings in America, nor is there a lack of understanding and expertise. As we enter a new year that finds parts of Asia, including Hong Kong, in the midst of the regiona€™s biggest economic decline in decades, we may question the wisdom and timing of Sothebya€™s choice to put all its Chinese painting eggs in one Asian basket. If you would like a printable version of this article in pdf format, please request one by email. Shadow Skeletons and New Realitiesa€“Guohua and Cultural Identity (Reprinted from Kaikodo Journal VI, October 1997, pp.
As the dawn of a new millenium rapidly approaches, modern and contemporary Chinese art is receiving an unprecedented amount of attention throughout Asia and the West.
There is now a thriving art market for contemporary Chinese paintings, done in both traditional and Western styles.
As we try to absorb this impressive flood of images and information about 20th century Chinese art we are suddenly encountering, and before we begin to assess the artistic and art-historical merits of these works of art, it is useful to present a brief outline of some of the major issues that have concerned Chinese artists during the last century and identify some of the stylistic trends that have shaped the context in which the art of this period was and is being created.
During the past one hundred years the political, social, and economic systems of China have been transformed on an unprecedented scale.
Kanga€™s views represented the prevailing attitude among progressive Chinese intellectuals who associated modernization with Westernization and Westernization with the development of science and technology. Many artists chose not to abandon completely traditional Chinese painting but tried instead to make adjustments in subject matter or style in order to broaden its appeal and update its appearance, making it more responsive to the perceived needs of contemporary society. Most critics, including Kang Youwei, advocated a synthesis of Western and Chinese art: a€?if we adhere to the old way without change, Chinese painting will become extinct.
Kanga€™s approach was based on a formulation that he and the other a€?self-strengthenersa€? of the unsuccessful 1898 reform movement had advocated as a solution to most of Chinaa€™s ills. During the first decades of this century, numbers of young painters took up Kanga€™s challenge in earnest. Although agreeing on the general premise that Chinese painting needed an infusion of Western artistic know-how in order to advance into the modern age, the three leaders of this Westernizing movement, Xu, Liu, and Lin, did not see eye-to-eye on much else. The arguments among these three and their followers as to which foreign models to follow were as vehement as those waged by traditional painters about whether to imitate the Four Wangs (as did Wu Hufan and his students) or Shitao and Bada Shanren (as did Zhang Daqian and his followers).
The decades of the 1920s and 1930s were a period of great creativity and artistic experimentation. By the end of the 1930s the future of Chinese art looked promising, albeit somewhat confused. The politicization of all aspects of the processes of creating, exhibiting, publishing or otherwise disseminating art in the Peoplea€™s Republic of China is discussed in several recent studies and doubtless will continue to be a subject of inquiry for many years to come.
Mao Zedong, in his 1942 a€?Talks at the Yana€™an Conference on Literature and Art,a€? had clearly stated his belief that art must serve the people, and that there could not be art for arta€™s sake. Each individual is born into a culture, and its orientations and basic beliefs shape him and remain deeply rooted in his personality all of his life. LeShan and Margenau are concerned with the inherent limitations of the physical sciences to adequately describe and explain all manner of phenomena, particularly as new scientific discoveries have revealed microcosms and macrocosms for which standard Newtonian assumptions about time and space do not hold true. In Maoist China the art bureaucracy attempted to condition societya€™s perception of reality by strictly limiting the artistsa€™ range of acceptable themes and styles, and by short-circuiting the natural feedback process through the stringent control of all means of criticism.
Many early attempts to synthesize guohua techniques and approaches with new a€?revolutionarya€? subject matter failed for precisely this reason. Among all artists, traditional painters had the most difficulty modifying or updating their artistic techniques in order to satisfy the needs of the new society as envisioned by the leaders of the Peoplea€™s Republic.
Although the intent of the theoreticians, such as Kang Youwei and Cai Yuanpei, was to modernize Chinaa€™s art following Western models, Xu Beihonga€™s style of academic realism was conservative, perhaps already outdated, by the time it reached China. Western art was of course undergoing its own revolution, reflecting new concepts of reality engendered by Einsteina€™s Theory of Relativity, quantum mechanics, particle physics and other scientific discoveries and philosophical intuitions. It was the Chinese artists working in Taiwan and abroad, including Zhang Daqian (1899-1983), Wang Jiqian (C.C.
Working outside the constraints of the Maoist regime in relatively free artistic environments, these artists have made great strides in creating a true synthesis of traditional Chinese and modern Western painting styles. The current exhibition presents the work of a new generation of traditional, guohua painters, active in China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and overseas. This generation of younger artists grew up at a time in which, when political realities renders questions of cultural identity unavoidable. Even for those who have practiced continuously the discipline of traditional Chinese painting, the period of the 1980s and 1990s seems like a new beginning. One may question the extent to which guohua has progressed in the five decades since the founding of the Peoplea€™s Republic, or for that matter, in the nearly nine decades since the fall of the Qing dynasty, but, given the extent and intensity of the criticism aimed at traditional Chinese painting and everything that it stood for, and with the recent availability of so many other artistic options, it is perhaps surprising that the art form has persisted at all.
In an age of rapid information exchange and an increasingly global popular culture, it is very possible that a truly international style of art, in oils, acrylics or, more likely, some yet-to-be-invented digital medium, will be developed in the 21st century. A multicultural environment will recognize shared cultural values but it will also embrace cultural differences and encourage the preservation and development of traditional art forms. I discovered a remarkable collection in Germany which yielded a significant number of important works of Chinese painting, calligraphy, and ink rubbings, which were sold off gradually throughout the decade. Sothebya€™s December 1984 auction of Fine Chinese Paintings included several important works dating from the 13th century to the present. France was also the source of an intriguing album of ten leaves ascribed to the great Southern Song dynasty painter Ma Yuan sold in December 1986.
The Romans were indifferent to mathematical geography, with its system of latitudes and longitudes, its astronomical measurements, and its problem of projections. The context shows that he must be talking about a map, since he makes the philosopher among his group start with Eratosthenesa€™ division of the world into North and South.
The reconstructions shown here are based upon data in the medieval world maps that were, in turn, derived from Roman originals, plus textual descriptions by classical geographers such as Strabo, Pomponius Mela and Pliny.
The emphasis upon Rome is reflected in the stubby form of Italy, which made it possible to show the Italian provinces on an enlarged scale. We are told by late Roman and medieval sources that he employed four Greeks, who started work on the map in 44 B.C.
That is the form of the Hereford world map (Book IIB, #226), which seriously distorts the relative positions and sizes of areas of the world in a way we should not imagine Julius Caesar and his technicians would have.
On the re-establishment of peace after the civil wars, he was determined on the one hand to found new colonies to provide land for discharged veterans, on the other hand to build up a new image of Rome as the benevolent head of a vast empire.
It was erected in Rome on the wall of a portico named after Agrippa, which extended along the east side of the Via Lata [modern Via del Corso]. Orosius seems to have read, and followed fairly closely both Agrippa and Pliny, as well as early writers from Eratosthenes onwards. His source was clearly one commissioned by Romans, not Greeks, as his figures for those areas are in miles, not stades. The Agrippa map probably did not, in the absence of any mention, use any system of latitude and longitude. These include both land and sea measurements, though the most common are lengths and breadths of provinces or groups of provinces.
But on the credit side, Agrippaa€™s map, sponsored by Augustus, was obviously an improvement on that of Julius Caesar on which it is likely to have been based. The general history of ancient cartography and our knowledge of Roman buildings in the Augustan period would appear to be our surest guides. The German philologist and historian Detlev Detlefsen always clung steadfastly the view that there was no such publication and that the inscriptions on the map itself provided all the geographical information that was available to later times under the name of Agrippa. Detlefsen had explained their origin by assuming the production of smaller hand-copies of Agrippaa€™s map, their smallness then making a written text desirable. Small discrepancies were to be explained by differences in the copies of the map used by each. Strabo used Agrippa only for Italy and the neighboring islands, so that our chief evidence comes from the other three sources.
Detlefsen believed that the island sections were later added to the Demensuratio, but according to Tierney there can be little doubt that he is wrong in this and that Klotz is right in thinking that these sections have rather fallen out of the Divisio. It relies on the general scheme of the Greek maps that had been current since the time of Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, and attempts to rectify them, particularly in Western Europe, with recent information derived from the Roman itineraries and route-books. We have to thank Professor Schnabel for providing in the same article a new critical text of both the Demensuratio and the Divisio. He sets out, at first, to prove that Agrippaa€™s map possessed a network of lines of longitude and latitude. 39, sections 211-219, where Pliny mentions evidently as a work of supererogation, a€?the subtle Greek inventiona€? of parallels of latitude, showing the areas of equal shadows and the relationship of day and night Pliny then gives seven parallels, running at intervals between Alexandria and the mouth of the Dnieper, with longest days running from fourteen to fifteen hours. Hipparchus had made the Don parallel the seventeen-hour parallel, corresponding to 54A° N latitude, whereas Pliny here puts it at sixteen hours or 48A° 30" N latitude, which is nearly correct.
39, section 211, refers obviously to all that follows as far as the end of Book VI and shows that the complete passage is taken from Greek sources. In the first place, Schnabel has apparently overlooked Ptolemya€™s method of establishing the longitude and latitude of particular geographical points. Pliny gives this itinerary as running at the base of the Alps, from the Varus through Turin, Como, Brecia, Verona and other towns on to Trieste, Pola and the Arsia.
For the reduction, of longitude he uses, as I have said, the factor of forty-three sixtieths derived from Ptolemya€™s fifth map of Europe (Book VIII, cap. Tierney turns to his last main argument in which lie tries to prove Agrippa to be the author of a new value of the degree at 80 Roman miles or 640 stadia, Pliny (V, 59) gives the distance of the island of Elephantine from Syene as sixteen miles and its distance from Alexandria as 585 miles. If we accepted it we might as well accept that everyone in antiquity who either sailed or traveled in a north-south direction in the eastern Mediterranean was also engaged in establishing a new degree value. On the general question of Roman proficiency in geographical studies some light is thrown by a passage of Strabo (Book III, C 166) who says: a€?The Roman writers imitate the Greeks but they do not go very far.
The phrase which he uses of Agrippaa€™s aqueducts is exactly echoed in Plinya€™s phrase tanta diligentia.
Before entering into the details of Agrippaa€™s map it will be useful to examine briefly these two traditions, the Greek and the Roman, in order to grasp more clearly the problem which confronted Agrippa or whoever else might wish to construct a world map in the age of Augustus. We are told that it was Democritus who first abandoned the older circular map and made a rectangular one whose east-west axis, the longitude, was half as long again as the north-south axis, the latitude. The campaigns of Alexander and the new Greek settlements pushed the Greek horizon far to the east while in the west the intrepid Pytheas of Massalia circumnavigated Britain and sailed along the European coast from Gibraltar at least as far as the Elbe, publishing his investigations in a work which included gnomonic observations at certain points, and remarks on the fauna and flora of these distant areas.
He made devastating attacks on the eastern sections of the map, as being seriously incorrect, both on mathematical and on astronomical grounds. Sad to relate, the gradually accumulating mass of details concerning roads and areas did not add up to any great increase in geographical knowledge.
Our three main authorities, Pliny, the Divisio and the Demensuratio, have suffered a great deal in the transmission of these latter figures, the longitude and latitude, so-called. Klotz has argued that Agrippa did not use the word longitudo in the technical sense of the east-west measurement, nor the word latitudo in the technical sense of the north-south measurement, but rather in the more general sense of length and breadth. To evaluate the map we must take a glance at each of these boxes in turn, and the most convenient order would appear to be that of the Greek geographers and of Agrippa himself, if we can trust the order of the Divisio that has Europa, Asia, Lybia, that is, Europe, Asia, and Africa. The internal line of division ran south from the estuary at NA“ca between the Astures and the Cantabri, down to Oretania and on to New Carthage. Off the coast of Gallia Comata lies an enormous Britain, 800 by 300 miles, and north of it an equally exaggerated Hibernia [Ireland]. Corsica, in fact forms the eastern boundary of Sardinia and this explains why the long axis of both islands is described as the longitude. Tierney believes that it is possible to remove the difficulties felt about Agrippaa€™s Syria by both Detlefsen and Klotz. Only a few more boxes or rectangles are left to the east of the line, formed by Armenia, Syria and Egypt, but now they begin to grow portentously large. Spain has three sections and Gaul two, while in the east of Europe Dacia and Sarmatia run off to the unknown northern ocean, and further east again the sections are quite enormous. Natural features such as the mountains and rivers that divided provinces were shown also, but in what exact way is not clear.
He points out that just as Eratosthenes had divided the inhabited earth into his famous a€?sealsa€?, so also Agrippa divided the earth into groups of countries without reference to their political or geographical conditions. Any attempt to draw the map of Agrippa from the figures that have survived without some astronomical backing is entirely hopeless. Wherever itineraries did not exist he made use of the estimated distances of the Greek geographers, and outside the Empire he had to rely on them altogether. Proceeding in our evaluation with this in mind we can gain insights into how the mappaemundi arrived at their final design. Fisher believes that the central zones on Agrippaa€™s map had to be eliminated when the Christians decided to adopt and adapt from Greek maps the concept of cartographic centricity by distorting the map to position the holy city of Jerusalem at the mapa€™s center.
Some believe that these manuscripts were instruction sets used to construct a mappa mundi based on the fact that the text is spatially specific.
The reconstruction acknowledges that the waterway originated on Agrippaa€™s map as it is common to most mappaemundi, but it assumes that the Roman original was far less imposing, whereas SchA¶nera€™s design suggests that the mappaemundi are far more accurate in their depiction of the waterway spanning most of the continent. All three adjustments were based on their Roman counterparts, but reflect necessary adjustments as the makers of the mappaemundi opted for a Christocentric design. His evaluation, however, is based on the fact that copies of Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum did indeed exist and were at one time distributed throughout Europe becoming the model for the medieval mappaemundi. Sothebya€™s has effectively closed the department in New York, referring prospective sellers to their Hong Kong office.
The recent decision by the two leading auction houses to eliminate or significantly reduce sales in New York has prompted me to review briefly the history of Chinese paintings at auction and to reflect upon the current state of the market. It was Autumn of 1979 and I had been approached by Paula Gasparello of the Chinese Works of Art Department to assist in the cataloging of a number of important Ming and Qing dynasty paintings from the estate of Ruth Spelman. In October our fledgling New York department produced an unprecedented sale of 145 works by living Chinese artists, which featured paintings by Zhang Daqian, Cheng Shifa, Huang Junbi, Li Keran, Wang Jiqian, Li Kuchan, Yu Chengyao, Qian Songyan, Xie Zhiliu, Xu Bangda, and others. In the West, particularly in America, academic interest in pre-modern Chinese painting was at a peak and a number of important museum exhibitions--such as a€?Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting,a€? organized jointly by the Cleveland Museum of Art and the Nelson Gallery-Atkins Museum, Kansas City--provided increased access to an ever-more appreciative public. This allowed for two major sales per year in each location and enabled both buyers and sellers to consolidate their efforts and focus their energies on those works that most interested them. While at Sothebya€™s I had the good fortune to bring to the market quite a few important works of Chinese painting and calligraphy, many with obscure or unexpected provenances. Because the Readera€™s Digest collection of European paintings was so well known, its appearance on the auction block was accompanied by much fanfare and anticipation, but the art world at large is unaware of the quiet role that the collection played in the development of the Chinese painting market in New York. In addition, collectors and dealers in Hong Kong, taking note of the positive results of the auctions of pre-modern Chinese paintings, began to consign works for sale in New York. One of the early successes from this consignment was the sale, on June 13, 1984, of an album of twenty-five letters by Song and Yuan dynasty calligraphers).
Expertise and administrative support were shared between the two auction sites, as were salaries and expenses. Zhao Mengfua€™s 1303 a€?Record of the Repair of the Three Purities Palace at the Temple of the Mysterious and Marvelousa€? (Xuanmiaoguan chongxiu sanqingdian zhiji), a handscroll written in regular script, was consigned by a young Chinese gentleman who had acquired it in France from a French family who knew nothing of its origin or its potential historical or monetary value. The consignor of this set of landscapes was a wealthy Parisian who was a major collector of modern European paintings and was thus well known to the Sothebya€™s Paris office. Part of the attraction of the process is the element of surprise; one never knows what may turn up in the next sale. I refer to the collection of Zhang Xueliang, known to students of modern Chinese history as the a€?Young Marshall.a€? Zhang is the son of the powerful Manchurian warlord Zhang Zuolin, who was assassinated in 1928. An intermediary had brought two fine 18th century paintings into the Sothebya€™s Taipei office. I met him in person for the first time, along with Rita Wong, and for the next ten years we had many opportunities to visit with him and his wife Edith and we shared several meals with them. In consultation with Rita Wong he made the bold decision to offer the remainder of his collection at public auction in Taipei, using his studio name Dingyuanzhai.
Collectors and dealers from Taiwan were already extremely active in most facets of the market, especially porcelain, jadeite jewelry, and modern paintings. Both of these paintings, as well as most of the top lots in the sale, were purchased by Taiwanese collectors.
Wu Bina€™s a€?Ten Views of a Fantastic Rocka€? is one of the most extraordinary Chinese paintings ever to appear on the auction market. The Chinese paintings market was strong but just as the demand for paintings and calligraphy was reaching a peak, the availability of good quality paintings had greatly diminished. To some extent, I was not happy with the way the company was being run and I was dissatisfied with the direction in which both auction houses were heading. The sales were successful but they had the negative effect of competing with New York for both consignments and resources. Christiea€™s, in particular, has been successful because of major consignments, such as the group of important Song dynasty fan paintings from the collection of Stephen Juncunc. In fact, the level of sophistication among Western buyers (including overseas Chinese) is such that they recognize and demand high quality examples of works by both major and minor artists of all periods. Exhibitions of works in all media by Chinese artists from mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong (once again a part of China after a century of British rule), and overseas have been mounted or are being planned throughout Asia, Europe, and the United States.
Auctions of this material are now held on a regular basis in many cities throughout China as well as in New York, Hong Kong, Taipei, and Singapore. Even before the Imperial monarchy that had ruled China for several thousand years was completely overthrown in 1911, the Chinese had begun to assess their inherited traditions and values and to question their very cultural identity. Traditional Chinese painting (guohua)2 especially as practiced after the Song dynasty, was specifically criticized for its lack of realism or naturalism, and the conscious disregard by its practitioners of the harsh realities of contemporary society in favor of a rarefied vision of an ideal Confucian society which had never existed in fact. This colloquialization (to borrow a phrase describing a similar but more far-reaching movement in literature) of Chinese painting is epitomized by the work of the great Qi Baishi (1864-1955), whose colorful depictions of common objects from everyday life enlivened the tradition through the introduction of a colloquial vocabulary of familiar images. Some, like Fu Baoshi (1904-1965) and the Gao brothers (founders of the Lingnan School), traveled to Japan to investigate the process by which Japanese artists were modernizing their native traditions by a selective incorporation of Western techniques and styles. History would note that, at least for the short term, Xu Beihonga€™s academic realism ultimately won out, although more for political and ideological than artistic reasons. Artists were free to work in all media, which they did in an incredible range of styles and with tremendous passion and dedication.
8 Although many questions remain and many individual stories have yet to be recounted, it is clear that one of the casualties of mainland art policy from the 1950s to the 1980s was Chinese traditional painting. During the 1950s Mao began to make good on his promise by revamping the entire system of art education and production.
If he moves into a new culture with other orientations and basic beliefs, the two versions of reality are dissonant within him.
The sources from which a field grew remain within it as a shadow skeleton, and they partly define what is real and what is true, what is sense and what is nonsensea€“in short, what is the basic shape or essence of reality.
Alternate realities and multiple truths cannot be understood through their physical means alone. In periods when control over the arts was most absolute (during the many anti-rightist campaigns, for example) artists were not only told what subjects to paint but were also given stylistic directives.
Obviously, Western and Chinese painting had very different roots and very different evolutions; they are the products of completely dissimilar world views and emerge from disparate cultural contexts. The repressive policies of the PRC ensured that this type of painting, with some ideological a€?improvements,a€? became the official means of artistic expression. Just when Chinaa€™s artists were mastering a style of painting which they thought was modern, Western artists and critics were rejecting both the style and the cultural construct it represented, and at a time when Western artists such as Picasso, Paul Klee, Mark Toby, and Jackson Pollock were recognizing and embracing non-Western artistic traditions, including Chinese painting and calligraphy, the Chinese themselves were declaring some of these same traditions invalid.
It is thus upon the foundation of their work that the future of guohua is likely to be built. It is true of course that guohua represents only one aspect of Chinese painting, which, in turn, is only one aspect of Chinese art as a whole.


Their relationship to the the historical past of China and its traditional values depends to a great extent on where they were raised. This new generation of artists approaches the tradition with fresh eyes and renewed energy. It has been nearly one hundred years since Kang Youwei issued his challenge to a€?begin a new era by combining Chinese and Western art,a€? and now, a century later, it can be argued that not only have these lofty ideals not been fully attained, but the fundamental questions of artistic and cultural identity remain largely unanswered. It is worth noting, however, that as we enter the 21st century, the global context in which we live is vastly different than the one in which Kang Youwei, Cai Yuanpei or Xu Beihong existed.
As popular culture becomes more global it also becomes more homogenized and the unique characteristics of a particular culture or ethnic group become all the more distinctive and significant.
I use the terms guohua and a€?traditional Chinese paintinga€? interchangeably, to refer to work painted with traditional Chinese pigments on traditional paper or silk.
Kang Youwei, Travels in Eleven European Countries, quoted in Lawrence Wu, a€?Kang Youwei and the Westernisation of Modern Chinese Art,a€? Orientations (March 1990), pp.
Quoted in Michael Sullivan, Art and Artists of Twentieth-Century China, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1966, p. Lawrence Leshan and Henry Margenau, Einsteina€™s Space and Van Gogha€™s Sky: Physical Reality and Beyond, New York, 1982, p. This leads him on to the advantages of the northern half from the point of view of agriculture. The original was made at the command of Agrippaa€™s father-in-law, the Emperor Augustus (27 B.C. These were no doubt freedmen, of whom there were large numbers in Rome, including many skilled artisans.
A late Roman geographical manual gives totals of geographical features in this lost map with recording names, but even the totals, on examination, turn out to be unreliable. Mapping enabled him to carry out these objectives and to perfect a task begun by Julius Caesar.
This portico, of which fragments have been found near Via del Tritone, was usually called Porticus Vipsania, but may have been the same as the one that Martial calls Porticus EuropA¦, probably from a painting of Europa on its walls. Dicuil tells us that he followed Pliny except where he had reason to believe that Pliny was wrong. It is through such features that continents, nations, favorable sites of cities, and other refinements have been conceived, features of which a regional [chorographic] map is full; one also finds a quantity of islands scattered over the seas and along the coasts. The fact that such an insignificant and distant place as Charax was named on the map shows the detail that it embodied. His sister, Vipsania Polla, began the work, and we know from Dio Cassius that it was still unfinished in the year 7 B.C. There can be no reasonable doubt that the map was a rectangular one with the east-west measurements running horizontally and the north-south measurements running vertically.
Though Strabo does not mention Agrippaa€™s name here he is probably merely being tactful with regard to the Emperor who, presumably, took a large part in the completion of the portico with its map.
One must grant Detlefsen that in Plinya€™s main reference there is talk only of a map and the commentarii are merely the basis of the map. Partsch on the contrary, had assumed an original publication, contemporary with the original map, of a Tabellenwerk, that is, a series of tabulated lists. 1475, and, according to Paul Schnabel (Text und Karten des PtolemA?us, 1938) the thirteen manuscripts of the 15th and 16th centuries and a further manuscript of the 13th century all derive from the ninth-century codex in the library of Merton College, Oxford. What they show is rather that on the orders of Theodosius two members of his household composed a map of the world, one written and the other a painting. The classical scholar Alfred Klotz, however, in his articles on the map has shown that a number of correspondences between the two works as against Pliny point rather to a common source from which both works are derived. Greek cartography, like Greek writing, ran from left to right and perhaps the former practice was promoted by the fact that the western boundary of Europe was well known, at least from the time of Pytheas (ca. The numerals are much more corrupt than those in Pliny, and there is usually a presumption, therefore, that Plinya€™s figures preserve a better version of Agrippa.
Schnabel, while expressing appreciation of the earlier work of Alfred Klotz, yet criticizes Klotz severely on two grounds.
For the sixth of these parallels he gives a slight correction due to the Publius Nigidius Figulus (ca. Therefore, Schnabel argues, the incorrect latitude of Hipparchus was corrected by Agrippa who had experience of the Black Sea in his later years. His proximate source, moreover, he names in section 217, according to his usual custom, as Nigidius Figulus. The parallels of Meroe and Thule were both equally useless in astrological geography although they may well have been mentioned by Nigidius, as they are by Strabo simply by way of clearing the decks.
H, 10, 1.) for the mouth of the river Varus (the frontier of Gaul and Italy), that is, 27A° 30a€™ E longitude and 43A° N latitude, and again his position for Nesakton (Geog.
This method Ptolemy has described quite clearly and unambiguously in the fourth chapter of Book I of his Geography. It is difficult to see how Schnabel imagined that this line could be reduced to a straight line of 411 miles. What they have to say they translate from the Greeks but of themselves they provide very little impulse to learning, so that where the Greeks have left gaps the Romans provide little to fill the deficiency, especially since most of the well-known writers are Greek.a€? On a comparison of this passage with Straboa€™s usual sycophantic admiration of things Roman we can rate it as very severe criticism.
He was, therefore, well acquainted also with the map or Agrippa to which, or to whose content he refers no less than seven times in his Books II, V and VI. In the fourth century the study of spherical geometry was pushed forward rapidly by Eudoxus in the Academy, and again by Callippus. This new knowledge was then exploited geographically by Eratosthenes of Cyrene (#112) in the latter half of the third century.
His delineation of the Near East, of Egypt, the Black Sea and the Mediterranean was reasonably correct, and this was also true of his sketch of the Atlantic coast of Europe and the Brettanic islands in which area he followed Pytheas.
Hipparchus further indicated the theoretic requirements for establishing the exact location of points on the eartha€™s surface. Despite his criticism of earlier geographers such as Pytheas, Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, it has long been recognized that he does not advance their work except in providing some details in regard to the map of Europe, while his general map of Europe has more faults than that of Eratosthenes. Without the stiffening of astronomical observation the Roman road systems were like a number of fingers probing blindly in the dark. The variation in the figures is aggravated by the fact that our later authorities do not entirely understand the Roman method of expressing large numbers as used by Agrippa and Pliny. This is, however, a serious error on the part of Klotz and to accept it would be a very retrograde step in our appreciation of the map. Therefore the word longitude could reasonably he used of its full length, and the measurements at right angles to this, that is, the latitudes, varied so much that Agrippa thought it necessary to give at least two, one in northern Italy and the second from Rome to the river Aternus. Since the Pyrenees are supposed to run north and south the longitude of Hispania citerior is really the latitude, as was noted before.
Over the Rhine lies a small Germany, only half the size of Gaul, and southeast of it an Illyricum and Pannonia of about the same size as Germany. Cross measurements of the Mediterranean are given at three points, from the Italian coast by way of Corsica and Sardinia to Africa, from southern Greece through Sicily to the same place, and from Cape Malea in Greece to Crete and Cyrenaica. Mesopotamia measures a fairly modest 800 by 320 miles, but further east Media measures 1,320 by 840, Arabia to the south is 2,170 by 1,296 and, finally, India represents the Far East with 3,300 by 1,300. He must have taken over the map of Eratosthenes as revised by people such as Polybius, Posidonius and Artemidorus, and made it the basis of his own. Pliny understood these measurements as being the prime value of the map and that is why he copies them so exhaustively.
Sometimes simple dividing lines were used, such as that used in central Spain, or wherever natural features of division were not present.
Thus Agrippaa€™s India corresponds generally to the first a€?seala€? of Eratosthenes, and Agrippaa€™s Arabia, Ethiopia and Upper Egypt corresponds to the fourth a€?seala€?. Even with an astronomical basis they only provide us with a set of rectangles mostly scattered at haphazard about the Mediterranean.
At the boundaries to the north, east and south he had to content himself with qua cognitum est. This water feature is significant not only in the fact that it is completely landlocked, unlike most waterways which empty into a surrounding sea, but also notably both waterways are 1) truncated at each end by circular lakes 2) are similarly arced away from the center of their C-shaped surrounding, and 3) span the portion of their C-shape lying opposite the Greek and Italian peninsulas, the portion of the map which coincides with Africa.
First century Roman maps like Agripaa€™s Orbis Terrarum, which had existed throughout Europe, disappeared during the medieval period, but at least one copy was discovered in Germany just a few years prior to the arrival of Schonera€™s 1515 globe, the Peutinger Table (#120), and therefore it is not unreasonable to believe that SchA¶ner might have had access to an unfinished copy of Agrippaa€™s map.
When Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum was originally created and put up for display on the wall of a portico, extensive commentary was likely consolidated within the center circular zone (2), but extending Jerusalem and Asia Minor into the mapa€™s center displaced much of the central text and necessitated the text's redistribution about the mappamundia€™s new design, relocating comments within the region to which each pertained, which is why we find the mappae mundi littered with commentary. But it may actually be that the EMM were based on the original text found on Agrippaa€™s map with the locative terms such as a€?above,a€? a€?opposite,a€? and a€?to the south ofa€? being necessary for a consolidated text set apart from the map, while the mappaemundia€™s placement of these data items directly onto the map logically allowed the removal of the spatial references. The mappaemundi maintained this orientation because medieval Christians held Eden, which they believed resided in the east, in high esteem. The reconstruction also omits completely the lateral mountain range above the waterway, which seems like a rather large oversight as both the Peutinger Table and Ptolemya€™s map, two ancient Roman maps, incorporated a trans-African range as does SchA¶nera€™s design. It also maintains a more realistic belief that ancient maps did not maintain the accuracy of modern maps, but retained a basic design and set of elements common to nearly all ancient maps.
Christiea€™s plans to include a small selection of paintings within their auction of Chinese Works of Art in New York, followed by a larger specialized sale of Chinese Paintings in April in Hong Kong. The results of this auction provided compelling evidence that high quality Chinese paintings, rigorously catalogued, could be sold successfully at auction and demonstrated that there was sufficient institutional and private interest in the United States to warrant serious attention on the part of the auction houses. Many of these artists were unfamiliar to western collectors and few had ever been previously offered at auction. Wong as a specialist in Chinese painting and a mutually beneficial rivalry developed between the two houses.
In the Asia--especially Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore--economic prosperity, political stability, and increased education created an environment conducive to collecting art. In cooperation with their regional offices and representatives throughout the United States and abroad, the auction houses took advantage of their broad networks of contacts to locate potential sellers and to attract potential buyers. In June of 1982, when the Chinese painting department was struggling to gain credibility and recognition, Sotheby Parke Bernet offered for sale an extremely important painting by the most significant living Chinese painter of the time, Zhang Daqian. By 1984 the increased supply of good works, coupled with evidence of a modest but increasing demand internationally, justified semi-annual specialized sales of Chinese paintings and calligraphy accompanied by the publication of separate catalogues. Included among the leaves were examples of writing by the Song dynasty writers Liu Wuyan, Wang Sheng, Wu Ju, and Fan Chengda, and the Yuan dynasty calligraphers Zhao Mengfu, Xianyu Shu , Qiu Yuan, Zhang Yu, and Ni Zan.
Signed Hengshan Wen Bi, and inscribed with a date corresponding to October 30, 1499, this short handscroll was accompanied by a most impressive series of colophons written by many of the luminaries of late 15th-early 16th century Suzhou, including Shen Zhou, Wu Kuan, Zhu Yunming, Wang Chong, Chen Shun, Peng Nian, Wang Guxiang , Wen Peng and others.
The system required cooperation and coordination and it succeeded because the individuals involved were firmly committed to the success of the enterprise. The new owner knew little more, except that it bore the signature of the famous Yuan dynasty literatus and he purchased it on the chance that it might be genuine. She could not remember where or when she had acquired the album but since it did not fit in with the rest of her collection she decided to sell it. Buyers are always looking to acquire a€?fresh goodsa€? that have not appeared on the market before.
After his fathera€™s death, Zhang Xueliang took control over much of northeastern China and was a major player in the subsequent period of warfare, politics, and intrique which shaped the face of modern China. Prior to this occasion I had seen very few good Chinese paintings in private hands in Taiwan.
He was always excited to talk about Chinese art, collecting, and his longtime friendship with Zhang Daqian, who had died in 1983. Although I had already resigned my position at Sothebya€™s, at Zhanga€™s request I assisted in the cataloging of the sale.
During the late eighties and early nineties they became increasingly prominent bidders in New York sales of pre-modern paintings.
Measuring more than thirty feet in length, the painting consists of ten sections, each depicting a specific view of a scholara€™s rock, as viewed from different angles.
We had developed an international interest in an art form that had previously seemed to many to be unapproachable and unsaleable.
Many of the new buyers--I hesitate to call them collectors--seemed to be in a hurry to buy a€?masterpieces,a€? major paintings by major artists.
The nature of the auction house and its role in the art market had changed over the years; it had become much more of a retail outlet and had lost much of its exclusivity.
The establishment of regular auction sales of Chinese painting and calligraphy in Beijing, Shanghai, and elsewhere within mainland China, as well as in Taiwan, has further diluted the supply of quality works available to the New York-based auctions.
The Chang Family Han Lu Studio Collection, sold by Christiea€™s New York in September 1996, featured a rare group of letters by Song dynasty writers in addition to several fine paintings and calligraphic rubbings. If the market rejects poor works of questionable attribution, that, in fact, is a positive indication for the field of Chinese paintings as a whole. In New York, the Metropolitan Museum of Art has recently opened their renovated Chinese Galleries and, for the first time, thanks to a generous gift from Robert H. Specialized galleries have been established all over the world and several dealers in ancient Chinese art (including Kaikodo) have begun to feature contemporary paintings as well.
The type of guohua practiced by the literati (wenrenhua) was severely attacked by many critics, among the most vocal of whom was the reformer Kang Youwei (1858-1927), who accused: a€?Four or five hundred years ago Chinese painting was the best.
However, Qi did not sacrifice such traditional aesthetic values as excellence in brushwork, simplicity of form, and directness of expression; on the contrary, his work may be seen as advancing the art form in each of these aspects.
Some of the most famous, including Xu Beihong (1895-1953), Liu Haisu (1896-1994), and Lin Fengmian (1900-1991), went to Europe to experience Western culture at first hand and to learn what they could about European art. Liu Haisu, renowned for being the first in China to employ nude models for life drawing in his art school, was enamored of the Impressionists and post-Impressionists. Realistic oil painting, primarily figural themes, gradually incorporating more and more elements of the Soviet Socialist Realist style, became the new orthodoxy in China. Even after he is a firmly functioning member of the new culture, the orientations of his beginnings still influence him. When the field develops so that new data contradict these old beliefs, a basic conflict develops in the field of knowledge.
Art, parapsychology, ethics, and consciousness all play a part in comprehending these new realities. Only a chameleon-like illustrator could successfully create in such an environment, so it is not surprising that much of the propaganda art of the period, in style as well as function, is closer to advertising in the West than it is to fine art. That the two worlds should come together in this age of instantaneous global communication should not surprise us, but one of the most curious, even ironic aspects of this cross-cultural exchange is the way in which contemporary Chinese and Western artists and audiences tend to view the othera€™s culture. No attempt was made to keep up with new developments in Western science and art; in fact, these were suppressed just as strenuously as traditional painting was being repressed. While many European and American artists explored alternate views of reality, through investigations into Eastern spirituality and art, (assisted, in some cases, by mind-altering drugs), the mainland Chinese artists found themselves mired in Marxist dogma and bound to a tradition of painting that was trapped in a reality-warp.
Artists working in mainland China today are, at least for the time being, more free to express themselves than they have been for many decades. Perhaps they have not all attained the same level of technical prowess that painters of Imperial China would have developed through years of copying calligraphy and old master paintings, but neither are they burdened with the unenviable task of upholding Chinaa€™s artistic legacy and maintaining her outmoded cultural values. Western domination of technology and the world economy is a remnant of her colonial past, and economists, politicians, and businessman now increasingly look eastward for expanding economies and emerging markets. Cross-cultural artistic exchanges will be so commonplace and will occur so quickly, and stylistic influences will be so vast and complex that regional or even national characteristics will be difficult, if not impossible, to discern.
As cultures co-mingle rather than collide the purity of each artistic tradition is free to be rediscovered. Andrews, Painters and Politics in the Peoplea€™s Republic of China, 1949-1979, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1994, p. Laing, The Winking Owl: Art in the Peoplea€™s Republic of China, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1988.
Disregarding the elaborate projections of the Greeks, they reverted to the old disk map of the Ionian geographers as being better adapted to their purposes.
If land survey did play such an important part, then these plans, being based on centuriation requirements and therefore square or rectangular, may have influenced the shape of smaller-scale maps.
The speakers compare Italy with Asia Minor, a country on similar latitudes where Greeks had experience of farming. India, Seres [China], and Scythia and Sarmatia [Russia] are reduced to small outlying regions on the periphery, thus taking on some features similar to the egocentric maps of the Chinese.
He first became prominent as governor of Gaul, where he improved the road system and put down a rebellion in Aquitania.
Thus Agrippa is said to have written that the whole coast of the Caspian from the Casus River consists of very high cliffs, which prevent landing for 425 miles.
Such a word certainly ties up with Divisio I: a€?The world is divided up into three parts, named Europe, Asia, Libya or Africa. It is, as one might expect, more accurate in well-known than less-known parts, and more accurate for land than for sea areas. Moreover it seems to have been the first Latin map to be accompanied by notes or commentary. In regard to the materials of construction I think we have to choose between the painted type of wall-map mentioned by Varro and the construction of marble slabs that is used in the forma urbis Romae of two centuries later, of which considerable parts are extant.
Detlefsen, as against the view of Partsch, effectively quoted the passage of the younger Pliny, on the 160 volumes of his unclea€™s commentarii, which he describes as electoruma€¦ commentarios, opisthographos quidem et minutissime scriptos, annotated excerpts, written on the back in a minute hand. It is, of course, possible to imagine that tabulated lists were put up as an adjunct to the map at the short ends, but the references to Spain and the Caspian seem somewhat out of place even here, and the balance of probability on this problem seems to lie, although rather precariously in favor of a contemporary, or nearly contemporary, publication of at least a selection of Agrippaa€™s material comprising something more than mere lists of names and figures. Detlefsena€™s view that both works were the transformation of actual maps into a written record had the advantage that the differences in the order of the material in the two works was of little consequence, the map giving merely the visual impact, and the writer a€?being free to begin his description at whatever point on the map he preferreda€?.
First come the boundaries of the province given in the constant order east, west, north, south. Firstly, Klotz has not discussed the possible use of Agrippa in Ptolemya€™s Geography, and secondly, and much more fundamentally, he has not recognized the scientific importance of the world-map of Agrippa as a link between Eratosthenes and Hipparchus on the one hand and Marinus and Ptolemy on the other, but has merely repeated traditional views dating from the end of the 19th century. It follows further, says Schnabel, that Plinya€™s seventh parallel, that of fifteen hours, belongs equally to Agrippa. Detlefsen pointed this out in 1909, and Kroll (after Honigmann) throws further light on the subject in his article on Nigidius in R. Plinya€™s final phrase about these scholars adding half an hour to all parallels denotes rather the astronomer than the astrologer.
III, 1, 7) on the river Arsia, that is, 36A° 15a€™ east longitude arid 44A° 55a€™ N latitude.
It would be fairer to use the reduction factor from Ptolemy's third map of Europe, referring to Gaul (Book VIII, cap. Hipparchus however, reckoned the distance from Syene to Alexandria as seven and one-seventh degrees of latitude.
The most important of these passages is the first (II, 5, 17, C 120) where he refers to the important role played by the sea and secondarily, and by rivers and mountains in the shaping of the earth. Yet we may be sure that maps still continued to be made as rectangles on a plane surface, although the relation of the spherical to the plane surface must have begun to appear as a problem. His calculation of the length of the eartha€™s circumference and of the degree length of 700 stadia was a notable event in the advance of geography. For latitude he described the celestial phenomena for each individual degree of the ninety degrees running north front the Equator to the North Pole, giving for each the length of the longest day and the stars visible.
He tells us that the lack of gnomonic readings in the east, of which Hipparchus complained, was equally true of the west (IL 1, C 71).
When one considers the variants within the MSS groups it follows that one may have a dozen or more variants for a single number.
The corresponding Greek words had, of course, originally meant length and breadth with no particular sense of direction. In Spain again the Pyrenees were always regarded as running north and south, parallel to the Rhine, while the east coast as far as the straits and Cadiz was regarded as running more or lees in a straight line to the west. Detlefsen accepts that Agrippaa€™s figure is an error without being able to explain why, while for Klotz Syria is an obvious proof that Agrippa assigned no definite direction to his longitude. India alone, therefore, has a longitude as great as the whole Mediterranean, while its latitude is comparable to that of Europe and Africa combined.
His chief pride would seem to have been in his measurements, and indeed it is only for the exactness of these that Pliny praises him when he refers to BA¦tica in Book III, 17. Again the horizontal spine of Mount Taurus plays an important role in both as a line of division between the northern and southern areas, Agrippa, however, follows the Eratosthenic method of division only in a general way and not in detail. It is quite certain that the waterway made its way onto the mappaemundi via Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum as this landlocked waterway represents the Roman belief that the Nile River originated in the mountains of Mauritania and ran laterally across the continent dividing the African continent in two with Libya to the north and Ethiopia to the south. And finally, based on SchA¶nera€™s design Agrippaa€™s map was built around a concentric grid that resembled a polar projection which he as a globe maker would have readily recognized. Ancient Roman maps like the Peutinger Table, however, oriented the map with north to the top similar to the reconstruction based on SchA¶nera€™s design. But should some doubts still linger, he offers one last review two earlier images comparing the landmass to other C-shaped maps, the Greek Hecataeus (#108) and medieval Hereford world maps, and ask that you consider the mathematical probability that SchA¶ner would incorporate the precise elements of these maps in their precise order and placement without an ancient world map as his template.
Gasparello, who introduced me a few of her colleagues, including James Lally and Carol Conover. Chinese Painting began to solidify its position in the art market, and was listed as a separate expert department at Sotheby Parke Bernet beginning in 1979 (although internally Chinese Paintings was under the jurisdiction of the Chinese Works of Art Department). Although neither sale was a financial triumpha€“the entire New York auction grossed just over $100,000a€“they paved the way for specialized sales of modern and contemporary Chinese paintings in both Hong Kong and New York and established the precedent for holding regular auctions in both locations. For the next decade auction became one of the primary sources of Chinese painting and calligraphy for private collectors, dealers, and institutions. Twentieth century painting, in particular, satisfied a demand on the part of new collectors for art that was both Chinese and modern. The success of Sothebya€™s Chinese Painting Department was linked, to a great extent, to the overwhelming dominance of our worldwide Chinese Works of Art Department led by James Lally in New York and Julian Thompson in London. The monumental six-panel work a€?Giant Lotusa€? had been purchased by Readera€™s Digest in 1963 from an exhibition of the artista€™s work held at Hirschl and Adler Gallery in New York. The album was of great importance, for both artistic and historical reasons, but since no work of this type had ever been offered at auction before, the presale estimate was a conservative $30,000-50,000. The inclusion of the painting in the Imperial Collection of the Qianlong and Jiaqing Emperors, attested to by the six Imperial seals affixed to the painting and its appearance in the catalogue Shiqu baoji sanbian, added luster to its provenance. I had the good fortune to work directly with many capable and dedicated individuals, including Tammy Mui and Maria Chu in Hong Kong, and Angela Hsu and Laura Whitman in New York, all of whom began as administrators and became specialists in their own right. Based on the collectorsa€™ seals and colophons, the scroll displayed a magnificent provenance. There was much presale discussion among scholars as to the authenticity of the paintings, four of which bear the signature of Ma Yuan. Sellers, on the other hand, appreciate the ability to dispose of works in a discreet manner.
He is most renowned (or notorious, depending on your point of view) for his participation in the Xia€™an Incident of 1936 whereby he captured Guomindang leader Chiang Kai-shek and forced him to negotiate with the Chinese Communist Party to create a united front to fight the Japanese. Although there were no collectorsa€™ seals on the paintings, my experience told me that such high quality works, beautifully mounted, must be from a serious collection. The auction of Fine Chinese Paintings from the Dingyuanzhai Collection was held in Taipei on Sunday, April 10, 1994. The ten images of the rock are interspersed with elaborate written descriptions composed and transcribed by the scholar-official Mi Wanzhong.
Even as I revelled in a genuine sense of accomplishment, I was wary of the future of the department. They were generally more interested in the artista€™s name than in the quality of the work. Both Sothebya€™s and Christiea€™s had undergone a gradual but undeniable shift in emphasis from expertise to marketing. During the nineties, the New York auction rooms have been increasingly dominated by international dealers, such as Paul Moss, Harold Wong, and Kaikodo, representing themselves, institutions, and private clients all over the world.
To blame every poor sales result on a€?the marketa€? shifts attention away from the real issues, which are the quality and quantity of the offerings. Ellsworth, Chinese paintings from the 19th and 20th centuries are prominently displayed alongside masterpieces from earlier periods. They all progress along with the progress of science.a€?4 This emphasis on progress and the sincere belief that Western art (as the Chinese perceived it) was inherently more scientific and modern (and therefore more desirable) presented a serious challenge to advocates of literati painting and nearly signaled the end of the guohua tradition altogether. The degree of Qi Baishia€™s success is indicated most clearly by the fact that his style forms the basis of much of the guohua produced during the past fifty years.
There is great difficulty and struggle in recognizing, organizing, and solving the new problems presented by the conflict of the new data and the old beliefs and basic orientations. While much of the booka€“which deals primarily with scientific theorya€“is likely to be incomprehensible to most specialists of art, its observations are relevant here for at least two important insights. Not since the 1920s and 1930s, have young Chinese artists been able to explore such a broad range of stylistic and theoretical options and goals.
Guohua need no longer be seen as the only medium capable of expressing the cultural identity of China because it is now clearer than ever before that there is no single identity and no single tradition that represents all Chinese. Many aspects of popular culture have become globalized and most large companies have internationalized. Artists from all over the world will be able to express their individual perceptions of new global realities in a truly international, multicultural forum. Traditional Chinese painting can coexist with works in other media, as they exist today or as they will appear in the future, and it need not replace nor be replaced by any other art form. Compare my naive and overly optimistic study Painting in the Peoplea€™s Republic of China: the Politics of Style, Boulder, 1980.
Within this round frame the Roman cartographers placed the Orbis Terrarum, the circuit of the world. This shape was also one that suited the Roman habit of placing a large map on a wall of a temple or colonnade.
If Romans were planning this, they would place the northern section much further west, whereas the cartographers were Greeks, and they followed a tradition which originated in Rhodes or Alexandria.
He pacified the area near Cologne (later founded as a Roman colony) by settling the Ubii at their request on the west bank of the Rhine.
Agrippa was an obvious choice as composer of such a map, being a naval man who had traveled widely and had an interest in the technical side.
The date at which the building was started is not known, but it was still incomplete in 7 B.C. If the commentary had not been continuous, but had merely served as supplementary notes where required, there is a possibility that by Plinya€™s time, some eighty years later, it might have gone out of circulation. Augustus was the first to show it [the world] by chorography.a€? Evidently there is a slight difference of meaning between this and Ptolemya€™s definition, by which chorography refers to regional mapping. From the quotations given by Dilke, there would appear to be a general tendency by Agrippa to underestimate land distances in Gaul, Germany and in the Far East, and to overestimate sea distances.
Although the words used are longitudo and latitudo, they have no connection with longitudinal and latitudinal degree divisions. Romans going to colonies, particularly outside Italy, could obtain information about the location or characteristics of a particular place. We know that the campus Agrippae was in the campus Markus on the east side of the Via Flaminia and that it was bordered towards the street on the west by the Porticus Vipsania. In view of the widespread use of marble facings that characterizes the age of Augustus, the marble slab method appears more probable.
Riese and Partsch had argued that certain references to Agrippa in Pliny, in particular the reference to the inaccessibility of part of the coast of the Caspian Sea and also that to the Punic origins of the coastal towns of Baetica refer more naturally to a published work than to the map in the Porticus Vipsania. We do not know the size of this map that has perished, or whether its descent from the map of Agrippa was through a series of hand-copies as Detlefsen supposed. In actual fact Pliny and the Divisio both begin their description from the straits of Gibraltar, moving east, while the Demensuratio, on the contrary, begins with India moves west. Following on this and connected there with come the longitude and latitude, in that order, expressed in Roman miles with Roman numerals. These views stated that Agrippaa€™s work was constructed on the basis of Roman itinerary measurements and took no note of the scientific results of the astronomical geography of the Greeks. Pliny then adds a€?from later studentsa€? five more parallels, three of them, those of the Don, of Britain, and of Thule, running north of the original seven, and two, those of Meroe and Syene, running south of them. What is new in Plinya€™s parallels may be referred to the Greek astronomers of the age of Hipparchus or the two or three generations after him. By subtraction we get the difference in longitude between the two places as 8A° 45a€™ and the difference in latitude as 1A° 55a€™. This third class was to be manipulated as intelligently as possible so as to fit in with the basic evidence of the first two classes.
But in every case instead of a geometrical definition a simple and rough definition is enough.
He also established a fundamental parallel of latitude, following the example of DicA¦archus.
The north, the far east, and Africa south of the Arabian gulf, were practically unknown, and even in the Mediterranean and the land-areas surrounding it, major defects were due to the great uncertainties of measurement, whether by land or by sea.
Straboa€™s aversion to the mathematical and astronomical sick of geography has already been described and considered as typical of the age that he lived.
Much toil has been expended by scholars such as Partsch, Detlefsen and Klotz in attempting to divine which, if any, of these figures belong to Agrippa.
They became technical terms for longitude and latitude with a strict directional sense in the filth century B.C.
The north coast, however, was usually thought to run from Lisbon (Cabo da Roca) to the Pyrenees, the northwest capes, Nerium and Ortegal, being ignored.
Detlefsen held that the map was not drawn to scale and that the measurements were merely inscribed upon it. Unfortunately, in nearly all cases we know neither the beginning nor the end of the routes measured, nor do we know, with any exactness, the direction of the route. Eratosthenes determined the sides of his a€?seals,a€? that were irregular quadrilaterals, by the points of the compass. It is clear that he gave the itinerary stages in Italy and Sicily in addition to the coastal sailing measurements. He believes such a notion is impossible and with the presentation of a sound argument for the circumstances contributing to SchA¶nera€™s error, there remains little reason to doubt that because of his grand error we are able to gaze upon Agrippaa€™s Orbis Terrarum for the first time in many centuries. The following year I joined Paula Gasparello as a full time specialist in Chinese painting and we began to hold regular auctions of Chinese paintings and calligraphy. Although the art market as a whole was not particularly strong in the early 1980s the Chinese department, fueled in part by a burgeoning Hong Kong economy, held its own. Sothebya€™s early entry into the market in Asia, particularly Hong Kong, gave us a distinct advantage in cultivating new buyers and sourcing potential consignors of paintings as well as ceramics and works of art.
The curators of the Readera€™s Digest collection had no knowledge or interest in Chinese art, even contemporary Chinese art, and they decided to sell the work at auction. After intense competition, primarily among overseas Chinese collectors, the album sold for $297,000, nearly ten times the presale estimate and easily a world auction record for Chinese calligraphy at the time. The scroll had been consigned by a young Hong Kong collector and it was finally hammered down for $187,000 to a new North American collector bidding against stiff international competition. Additionally I received tremendous support from my colleagues in the international Chinese Works of Art Department and in Sothebya€™s regional offices, especially Rita Wong, Suzanne Tory, Meeseen Loong, Tony Omura, Timothy Sammons, Jonathan Bennett, David Priestley, and Patti Lam, all of whom were helpful in finding consignments as well as in assisting collectors and cultivating new buyers. Opinions ranged from a€?genuinea€? to a€?Southern Song, but not Ma Yuan,a€? to a€?Ming Academy work,a€? to a€?17th century copy,a€? but in the end the album was sold for $319,000 to a Chinese-American collector who believes it to be a genuine work of the Song master.


In the case of famous works or well-established collections, however, the auction houses can also capitalize on the cachet and reputation associated with the individual work or collection. Chiang did give lip-service to the united front effort and flew back with Zhang to Nanjing where Chiang was given a heroa€™s welcome. The presale exhibition was extremely well attended and the salesroom was packed with serious collectors of Chinese art as well as dozens of unfamiliar faces and first-time buyers who were not really art collectors but were aware of the identity of the owner and hoped to come away with a piece of history. Following the painting are lengthy colophons by Ming and Qing dynasty writers, including Dong Qichang. I found it increasingly difficult to procure enough authentic paintings and calligraphy to satisfy their needs. But to dwell on these philosophical differences would present a negative picture of what I saw as a very positive decision and a logical career progression. Taiwan buyers are not as active as they once were but they are beginning to be replaced by a new generation of collectors in mainland China.
Selectivity is the key to survival, for auction houses and dealers alike, because selectivity is the key to collecting. Not only were Chinese artists and intellectuals largely cut off from their own past, they were also isolated from artistic and scientific developments in the rest of the world. In the struggle confusions arise, and there is a loss of communication among many of the students of the field of knowledge.
1936), and others, who discovered and pursued the underlying intellectual and spiritual connections between traditional Chinese painting and 20th century Western art, particularly abstract, non-objective painting. An accurate assessment of the visual arts in todaya€™s China would require investigation into an unprecedented variety of media including oil painting, acrylics, watercolor, gouache, sculpture, woodblock prints, ceramics, textiles, film, graphic design, and installation art in addition to the traditional forms of Chinese painting and calligraphy.
Hong Kong and overseas Chinese have had to grapple with complex questions of identity on a daily basis. It is equally clear, however, that, in spite of all attempts to suppress it, traditional Chinese painting is both resilient and relevant. Young people the world over listen to the same music, eat the same hamburgers, and wear the same sneakers.
Guohua will survive because of its unique and timeless artistic qualities: expressiveness of line, simplicity of form, and purity of spirit. As a visual aid to this discussion, the temple map will have been envisaged as particularly helpful.
He must have had plans drawn, and may even have devised and used large-scale maps to help him with the conversion of Lake Avemus and the Lacus Lucrinus into naval ports. Two late geographical writings, the Divisio orbis and the Dimensuratio provinciarum (commonly abbreviated to Divisio and Dimensuratio) may be thought to come from Agrippa, because they show similarities with Plinya€™s figures.
If West Africa is any guide, in areas where distances were not well established, they were probably entered only very selectively. Also the full extent of the Roman Empire could be seen at a glance.a€?Certain medieval maps, including the Hereford and Ebstorf world maps (see monographs #224 and #226 in Book IIB) are now believed to have been derived from the Orbis Terraum of Agrippa, and point to the existence of a series of maps, now lost, that carried the traditions of Roman cartography into Christian Europe.
Varro, in the following century, tells us of a map of Italy that was painted on the wall of the temple of Tellus.
Remains of the portico are stated to have been found opposite the Piazza Colonna on the Corso at about the position of the column of Marcus Aurelius and further north. The volumes of commentary referred to by the younger Pliny were not published, but were clearly digested to the point where little further work was needed to prepare them for publication, and the same situation may well be accepted for the commentarii of Agrippa.
The text, however, had long previously been known from its reproduction in the first five chapters of the De Mensura Orbis Terrae, published by the Irish scholar Dicuil in A.D. But it did quite clearly derive from that map, whether in the map-form or in a written form, with its list of seas, mountains, rivers, harbors, gulfs and cities. On Klotza€™s view that both works derive from a common written source this major divergence becomes a problem to he explained, but Klotz can offer no explanation. The boundaries are marked by the natural features, usually the mountains, rivers, deserts and oceans, only occasionally by towns or other features.
Of these parallels Schnabel tries to establish that at least two are due to Agrippa, to wit, the first of the new parallels passing through the Don, and the seventh of the old parallels passing through the mouth of the Dnieper. Using Ptolemya€™s reduction factor at 43A° N latitude which is forty-three sixtieths we find that with Ptolemya€™s degree of 500 stadia the difference in longitude between the two places in question is 3,135 and five-twelfths stadia and the difference in latitude is 958 and one-third stadia. It was this third kind of evidence which gave Ptolemy his positions for the Varus and the Arsia. He thinks the 411 miles represents the itinerary measurement from the Varus to Rimini through Dertona, and that the Arsia has got attached to it by a slight confusion in Pliny's mind in thinking of the boundaries between the mare superum and the mare inferum, with which, in fact, he equates the Varus-Arsia measurement. This factor of forty sixtieths or two-thirds gives a distance of approximately 384 miles from Varus to Arsia and the striking coincidence on which Schnabel has built this elaborate theory simply vanishes. Therefore, argues Schnabel, Agrippa made a new reckoning of the degree at 80 Roman miles or 640 stadia.
Such features as these brought into existence the continents, the tribes, the fine natural sites of cities and the other decorative features of which our chorogaphic map is chock full.a€? The map of Agrippa displayed, therefore, all the natural features just mentioned and, in addition, the names of tribes and of famous cities. Only a combination of the practical measurements with astronomical observation could have affected a real progress and our evidence shows only too clearly that this happy union did not take place. Some light has been thrown on the subject by comparison with later Roman itineraries for the particular areas.
The result of this misconception was that the figures for longitude and latitude were simply interchanged. Agrippa regarded the Syrian coast running northeast from the boundary of Egypt, as running much more in an easterly direction than it actually does.
His map represents, says Detlefsen, a moment of historical development, a point in the process of crystallization of the lands of the Mediterranean into the Roman Empire.
Agrippa defines the boundaries of his groups of countries in the same way, by the points of the compass, but as regards size he supplies only the length and breadth, thus agreeing with Strabo, already quoted.
It is a question whether these itinerary measurements were given, in detail on the map for all the western provinces, not to mention the eastern ones. Ma, Director of Chinese Paintings at Christiea€™s, is determined to maintain a market presence in New York, it would appear that a corporate decision has been made to eventually shift the sale of virtually all Chinese paintings, both classical and modern, to Hong Kong.
I readily agreed to research and catalogue the sixteen paintings and one calligraphy, which included works by Wen Zhengming, Lu Zhi, Wang Wen, Wen Boren, Ju Jie, Lan Ying, Wang Duo, Wang Jian, Fa Ruozhen, Wang Hui, Wang Yuanqi, Gao Qipei, Huang Shen, Zheng Xie, Li Fangying, and Luo Ping. By early 1982 economic pressures led to a significant number of layoffs at Sotheby Parke Bernet. It allowed elderly collectors to dispose of works they no longer needed and families to discreetly disperse inherited private collections. The entire auction totaled nearly $800,000, well below the $1,200,000 presale low estimate for the 126 lots, but encouraging nonetheless because nearly 80% (by value) was sold and a number of pieces brought strong prices. Later, the Ming scholar Chen Jiru attached a colophon and the painter Cheng Zhengkui affixed his seal, and it then found its way into the hands of two of the premier collectors of the 17th and 18th centuries, Liang Qingbiao, and An Qi, who recorded it in his Moyuan huiguan. Nestled amongst the leaves of the album was a short note written in French which indicated that the work had been purchased from a soldier who had fought in China, presumably during the Boxer Rebellion of 1900. Paintings that have been exhibited in museums or have appeared in serious publications tend to be more marketable. Zhang Xuelianga€™s efforts to unify China against a common enemy, however, were rewarded with a swift court-martial and more than five decades of house arrest. Without commenting in detail about either of the works I said simply: a€?The owner of these paintings must have many good things. The sale was a tremendous success and Zhang Xueliang, along with his loving wife Edith, moved to Hawaii where they remain today as Zhang begins his second century on this earth. Wu Bina€™s name does not figure prominently in traditional Chinese accounts of painting history but he is highly regarded by Western scholars.
There was now firm evidence that the right Chinese painting in the right economic environment could sell for more than a million dollars, but it had to be just the right painting offered at just the right time.
Perhaps my own notions of quality were too high and my standards for judging authenticity were more strict than the current market necessitated, but I found myself rejecting many works that were later sold successfully elsewhere. Ma the autonomy to structure the sales in a way that is most beneficial to the company and to his clients. Guggenheim Museum is planning a major exhibition of 5,000 years of Chinese art which will include modern and contemporary works in a variety of media, and the Asia Society is organizing a show of contemporary art by Chinese artists living outside of China for the fall of 1998.
Artists in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and abroad have of course had many more artistic options open to them and they have already made significant contributions to the field contemporary art. However, it is interesting to observe that these individual Chinese artists of diverse backgrounds have found common ground in their choice of medium. It is worth noting that most of the Chinese painters who worked in both Western and Chinese media demonstrated a distinct preference for the latter in their late years. In cyberspace, national borders do not exist and information is constantly exchanged across continents at lightning speed.
But whether it was only intended to be imagined by readers or was actually illustrated in the book is not clear. The map was presumably developed from the Roman road itineraries, and may have been circular in shape, thus differing from the Roman Peutinger Table (#120). The theory that it was circular is in conflict with a shape that would suit a colonnade wall.
What purpose was served by giving a width for the long strip from the Black Sea to the Baltic Sea is not clear.
Dilke provides a detailed discussion of Agrippaa€™s measurements using quotes from the elder Plinya€™s Natural History.
We do not know the occasion of this dedication, but since it was meant to celebrate a victory it may been intended for the geographical instruction of the Roman public. They are said to allow the conclusion that it had the same dimensions and construction as the adjacent porticus saeptorum, whose dimensions were 1,500 ft.
The twelve lines were inscribed on this map and also on an obviously contemporary written version thereof, and it is this written version that has been preserved for us both by Dicuil and in the various manuscripts of the Divisio orbis terrarum, whereas the map has perished. Klotz, however, believed that be could determine the original succession of countries and groups of countries as treated in the published work of Agrippa by criteria.
The Demensuratio on one occasion gives the fauna and flora of Eastern India, which it calls the land of pepper, elephants, snakes, sphinxes and parrots.
He argues that the Dnieper was used as a line of demarcation between Sarmatia to the east and Dacia to the west only on the map of Agrippa, and neither earlier nor later, and that therefore the parallel from the Don through the Dnieper must derive from that map.
Plinya€™s seven klimata are a piece of astrological geography and derive through Nigidius from Serapion of Antioch, who was probably a pupil of Hipparchus, or if not was a student of his work. But there is no vestige of probability or proof that Agrippa made new gnomonic readings to correct Hipparchus.
Schnabel now treats the spherical triangle involved as a plane right-angled triangle, and using the theorem of Pythagoras, he finds that the hypotenuse, that is, the distance between the Varus and the Arsia is 3,291 stadia or 411 Roman miles. Gnomonic readings were often inaccurate, measurement of time was still very vague, and a degree length one-sixth too large did not help. He used the circle of 360 degrees, giving up the hexecontads [a 60-sided polygon] of Eratosthenes.
But since we normally do not know by what route Agrippaa€™s measurements were taken, this light may prove to be a will-o-the wisp.
Aristotle, Strabo and Pliny all insist on the technical directional sense, as there was the possibility of ignorant people misunderstanding them.
The same thing occurred in the British islands that were regarded as running from northeast to southwest.
1,200, 720 and 410 miles, respectively, running from the unknown north down to the Aegean, but all having approximately the same latitude of just under 400 miles. Therefore the longitude was to him the east-west direction, and the latitude from Seleucia Pieria to Zeugma was the north-south direction. Partial distances were given from station to station along the Italian coast, but Detlefsen thinks that the summation of the coastal measurements appeared elsewhere on the map.
Where this process is complete we have ready-made provinces, where it is still in progress we find the raw materials of provinces-to-be, which are still parts of large and scarcely known areas, and finally, where Roman armies have never set foot we find enormous, amorphous masses lumped together as geographical units. It is notable, as Detlefsen points out, that Strabo must have recognized this lack of scientific value. It appears from passages in Pliny that Varro had already used the Roman itineraries in his geographical books and Agrippa was only following his example. Paula Gasparello was one of the casualties and I was given responsibility for all sales of Chinese paintings in New York and Hong Kong. Sothebya€™s and Christiea€™s performed the traditional auction house role of providing a secondary market for dealers, museums, and collectors and, in the case of some contemporary works, occasionally played the unfamiliar role of developing a primary market through the introduction of new artists into the marketplace. I was astounded to be asked by the curator whether the six large hanging scrolls, which are clearly meant to be hung together as a single work, could be sold separately. The scroll subsequently entered the Qianlong Imperial collection and it is dutifully noted in the Shiqu Baoji xubian. This album must have been looted from the Imperial Palace when the combined Western military forces were called in to quell an anti-Christian, anti-foreign Chinese peasant uprising. I would like to see them.a€? The intermediary left, saying that she would talk with the owner.
Not surprisingly, this long handscroll was hotly contested by two dealers bidding on behalf of American private collectors, and it was finally sold for $1,210,000.
The few buyers at the top were unpredictable, buying in what seemed to me to be a rather indiscriminate manner, often paying high prices for works of dubious merit while ignoring what I considered to be high quality examples. For whatever reasons, my competitor was extremely adept at finding works that suited the tastes and budget of the new clientele and Christiea€™s consistently won the battle of market share, which is a house-to-house comparison performed by auction house accountants, like a bizarre postmortem ritual wake, after every series of auctions. The auction houses are large international corporations with tremendous costs and huge overhead. An examination of the current state of guohua as a distinct type of Chinese art, however, is useful because the limited focus of the investigation brings heightened clarity to larger artistic issues.
Their conscious decision to work with traditional brush and ink applied to absorbent paper, at a time when so many other options are available, indicates at the least a tenuous link to Chinaa€™s artistic past. Modern communications and transportation have made all markets international, including the art market. THESE VERY SAME ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES, WHO HAVE SWORN TO PROTECT AND SERVE, OUR COUNTRY, AND CITIZENS ,ARE BUT SOME, OF THE CORRUPT,GREEDY TRAITORS .ENGAGED IN THE TYRANNY AND TORTURE. The same applies to possible cartographic illustration of Varroa€™s Antiquitates rerum humanarum et divinarum, of which Books VII-XIII dealt with Italy. The map of Agrippa, however, was set up, not in a sacred place, but in a portico or stoa open to the public, the Porticus Vipsania. Dicuil worked and wrote probably at the Frankish palace at Aix-la-Chapelle in the time of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious. The date of the making of the map was probably the fifteenth consulate of Theodosius II, that is, A.D.
One of these was the direction shown in the order of naming several particular countries where several are included in the same section, or the direction shown in the list of the boundaries of the section. This argument, however, is unsound for a number of reasons, of which the most obvious in this context is that whereas the Dnieper is given by our sources as the west boundary of Sarmatia, it is never given as the east boundary of Dacia. Nigidius was a notorious student of the occult and his astrological geography was contained in a work apparently entitled de terris. At right angles to this he established a meridian running from Meroe northwards to the mouth of the Dnieper, and passing through Alexandria, Rhodes and Byzantium. Yet he did not try to get a more exact value for the degree, although this was the point where theory could most easily have affected practice.
Moreover, although the Roman roads may often have rationalized the native roads by new road-construction or by bridging, yet in general they continued to be town-to-town roads, and if the itineraries ever correctly represented the longitude and latitude of a province it would be by pure chance.
But, you may object, this technical sense is only suitable for describing rectangles and not all countries fall into that convenient form. Here again longitudo is the long axis and latitudo the short axis, not because of a misuse of these technical terms, but simply because their general position was misconceived. Further east again Sarmatia [Russia], including the Black Sea to the south, measures 980 by 715 miles, Asia Minor 1,155 by 325, Armenia and the Caspian 480 by 280.
Any doubt on this matter is removed when we look at Pliny (VI, 126), where he gives the latitude from the same point, Seleucia Pieria, to the mouth of the Tigris.
It is probable that Italy and the neighboring islands were given in greater detail than other areas. Of the first class, the ordered provinces, we have eight in Europe, three in Africa, and three in Asia.
He gives us from Agrippa, a few lines along the coasts of Italy and Sicily but not a single one of his reckonings for the provinces.
Since so little of the materials of the ancient geographers bas been preserved it is mostly a matter of chance whether we know or do not know whether Agrippa agreed or not with the measurements of a particular earlier geographer. This afforded me a unique opportunity to build up a new market but I was faced with the daunting challenge of trying to make sense out of a very complicated subject. I was relieved to land the consignment and to receive permission to sell the painting as one lot! In spite of the impressive pedigree of the handscroll, two of the leading authorities on Chinese calligraphy in America initially expressed doubts about its authenticity, perhaps confusing it with a well known related work in a Japanese collection. As a result of the suppression of the Boxer Uprising, not only did the Qing government suffer the indignity of agreeing to pay a huge indemnity to the foreign powers, but a number of European, Japanese, and American soldiers helped themselves to what they considered to be war booty and souvenirs from the Forbidden City. Landing an important collection or estate creates an opportunity for promotion and also enhances the reputation of the department within the field and within the company. Later that day, while Rita Wong, then head of the Taiwan office, was driving me home it occurred to me that the most logical source of the two paintings had to be Zhang Xueliang. The results of the June 1992 New York auctions of Chinese paintings, however, proclaimed Sothebya€™s the victor in market share, winning by a substantial 53% to 47% margin.
As was the case during the first half of this century, the decision to paint guohua will be made for different reasons by different artists. But at least we know that he was keen on illustration, since his Hebdomades vel de imaginibus, a biographical work in fifteen books, was illustrated with as many as seven hundred portraits. Plinya€™s most specific reference to the map is where he records that the length of BA¦tica, the southern Spanish province, given as 475 Roman miles and its width as 258 Roman miles, whereas the width could still be correct, depending on how it was calculated.
It was not a map of a part of the Empire, not even a map of the Empire as a whole, but rather a map of the whole known world, of which the Roman Empire was merely one part. The Porticus Vipsania was, therefore, an enormous colonnade and it follows that the map with which we are concerned was only one decorative item among the many that adorned it. Thus he says that the order Cevennes-Jura for the northern boundary of Narbonese Gaul shows motion from west to east, and again the list Macedonia, Hellespont, left side it the Black Sea shows the same movement.
This work seems to have included his commentary on the sphaera Graecanica describing the Greek constellations and his sphaera barbarica on the non-Greek constellations. From the coincidence of the figures Schnabel strongly argues that Ptolemy must have taken over the figure of 411 miles from Agrippa. The establishment of these two lines provided the theoretical basis for a grid of lines of parallels and meridians respectively, points being fixed by longitude and latitude as by the coordinates in a graph.
The measurements of Agrippa should, therefore, be reduced but it is not easy to say by what factor. This is true indeed, and here we have to consider a few ancient misconceptions about the shapes and positions of particular countries. The distance is 175 miles from Seleucia to Zeugma, 724 miles from Zeugma to Seleucia and Tigrim and 320 miles to the mouth of the Tigris, that is, 1,219 in all. Of the second class, where the Romans had recent military campaign we have three in Europe, that is, Germany, Dacia and Sarmatia, one in Africa, Mauretania, and one in Asia, Armenia. Klotz has shown that he used Eratosthenes very often, but that on occasion he disagreed with him, and that Artemidorus apparently he did not use at all. At the time Chinese paintings were occasionally sold by Sothebya€™s London as well, where they were included as a postscript to Japanese print sales. The image of a€?Giant Lotusa€? appeared as a wrap-around cover for the June 1982 auction of Chinese Works of Art and Paintings and it attracted interest from across the globe, selling to a collector in Taiwan for $77,000, at the time a world-record auction price for a contemporary Chinese painting. Fortunately two astute overseas Chinese collectors recognized the scrolla€™s importance and they bid it up to a final price of $77,000. A significant number of paintings and large quantities of Imperial ceramics and other works of art must have found their way into Western collections during the early part of this century in this manner, although the casual note found in this album provides rare documentation of the phenomenon. In his youth, well before the Xia€™an Incident, Zhang had been known as a collector of Chinese art. On the other hand, the size of the operation can render the fundamentally simple process of selling individual works of art overly complicated and expensive. For some, the impetus will be to continue to be part of an unbroken artistic tradition which they can trace back into antiquity, thus reaffirming their own cultural identities. Even today, there is something about using brush and ink, like eating food with chopsticks, that feels natural to a Chinese artist.
Since we are told that this work was widely circulated, some scholars have wondered whether Varro used some mechanical means of duplicating his miniatures; but educated slaves were plentiful, and we should almost certainly have heard about any such device if it had existed. Pliny continues: a€?Who would believe that Agrippa, a very careful man who took great pains over his work, should, when he was going to set up the map to be looked at by the people of Rome, have made this mistake, and how could Augustus have accepted it?
The second criterion is that the use (the alleged use) of the term longitudo for a north-south direction or for any direction other than the canonical one of east-west, shows us the direction of Agrippaa€™s order in treating of the geography.
Nigidiusa€™ a€?barbaric spherea€? was derived from the like-named work of Asclepiades of Myrlea.
The two main passages from Straboa€™s second book may reasonably be regarded as a transcript of contemporary geographical practice and since between them they give an exact description of the methods followed in the ancient remains of the map of Agrippa, Tierney thinks that they may rightly be regarded as a strong proof that the views held on this map by Detlefsen and Klotz are generally correct. In somewhat similar circumstances Ptolemy reduced the figures of Marinus in Asia and Africa by about one-half.
This distance, he adds, is the latitude of the earth between the two seas, that is, the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf.
The Spelman paintings were significant in that they presented to the market a group of excellent works with generally reliable attributions. I was gradually able to wrestle control from the Japanese Department and for a time we experimented with selling Chinese paintings through the London Chinese Department. The sale of the painting received significant publicity in Taiwan and Hong Kong and it helped to bolster Sothebya€™s reputation in Asia for expertise in Chinese paintings. In a relatively small but extremely specialized market, like Chinese paintings, there may be other, more efficient ways to match buyer with seller. For others, the choice of guohua may be primarily a reaction against the repressive artistic policies of the Communist regime, ostensibly denying their ties to the recent past.
For it was Augustus who, when Agrippaa€™s sister had begun building the portico, carried through the scheme from the intention and notes [commentarii] of M. Tierney does not believe that either of these criteria can show us the order of treatment in the original publication, presuming, that is, that there was an original publication. The detailed extension of the Greek parallels into the Roman west is apparently due to Nigidius.
Agrippa, he thinks, took the itinerary figure for the distance from the Varus to the Arsia, which is given as 745 miles by Pliny (III, 132) and reduced it to a straight line of 411 miles by astronomical and mathematical measurement. The market there never developed and to this day collecting interest for Chinese painting in Europe remains limited. In early publications on Chinese painting his name is often listed as the owner of specific works which had not yet resurfaced. For still others, the immediacy and sensitivity of the traditional medium and its unmatched ability to respond to the subtlest of touches, may be reason enough to adopt the art form, affirming the individuala€™s artistic identity, irrespective of his political viewpoint.
We are prone to forget that all ancient geographers were necessarily map-minded, and even when the map was not before their physical eye, it was before their mental eye. This proves, therefore, that Agrippaa€™s map was not a purely itinerary map, but that Agrippa reduced the itinerary measurements in the way described. However, perhaps because of this quirk in the market, Europe became for me a significant source of paintings for sale in both New York and Hong Kong. Over the next few years I developed a peculiar relationship with Zhang Xueliang, through his intermediary, who initially did not acknowledge his identity but realized that I knew who the real owner of these works was. Augustus, as he was ill, handed his signet-ring to Agrippa, thus indicating him as acting emperor.
The order of countries within a section would, I think, very much depend on the momentary motions or aberrations of that mental eye. It is unfortunate, however, that nearly all Agrippaa€™s figures come down to us in a non-reduced form that makes it impossible to reproduce his map.
She began showing me paintings on his behalf, some for sale, some not, and she would relay back to Zhang my comments about the works. If not, we are witnessing the close of a short but intense chapter in Chinese painting history. The same year Agrippa was given charge of all the eastern parts of the Empire, with headquarters at Mitylene. We began selling the less important scrolls, which did not bear his collectora€™s seals, but gradually he consigned, always through a friend in the United States, major paintings by artists such as Shen Zhou and calligraphy by as importantt a writer as Zhao Mengfu. If the major auction houses decide that it is no longer financially viable to continue to hold sales of Chinese paintings in New York, it will be up to a few committed and knowledgable dealers to try to pick up the slack.
How can those who paint just for fun in their spare time capture the true character of all things on earth. The school district has moved to a biometric identification program, saying students will no longer have to use an ID card to buy lunch.A  BIOMETRICS TO TRACK YOUR KIDS!!!!!i»?i»?A TARGETED INDIVIDUALS, THE GREEDY CRIMINALS ARE NOW CONDONING THEIR TECH! Paul Weindling, history of medicine professor at Oxford Brookes University, describes his search for the lost victims of Nazi experiments.
The chairman of the board at ESL a€” then proprietor of the desert wasteland in Nevada known as a€?Area 51a€? a€” was William Perry, who would be appointed secretary of defense several years later. EUCACH.ORG PanelIn a 2-hour wide-ranging Panel with Alfred Lambremont Webre on the Transhumanist Agenda, Magnus Olsson, Dr.
Henning Witte, and Melanie Vritschan, three experts from the European Coalition Against Covert Harassment, revealed recent technological advances in human robotization and nano implant technologies, and an acceleration of what Melanie Vritschan characterized as a a€?global enslavement programa€?.Shift from electromagnetic to scalar wavesThese technologies have now shifted from electromagnetic wave to scalar waves and use super quantum computers in the quantum cloud to control a€?pipesa€? a reference to the brains of humans that have been taken over via DNA, via implants that can be breathed can breach the blood-brain barrier and then controlled via scalar waved on a super-grid.
Eventually, such 'subvocal speech' systems could be used in spacesuits, in noisy places like airport towers to capture air-traffic controller commands, or even in traditional voice-recognition programs to increase accuracy, according to NASA scientists."What is analyzed is silent, or sub auditory, speech, such as when a person silently reads or talks to himself," said Chuck Jorgensen, a scientist whose team is developing silent, subvocal speech recognition at NASA Ames Research Center in California's Silicon Valley. We numbered the columns and rows, and we could identify each letter with a pair of single-digit numbers," Jorgensen said. People in noisy conditions could use the system when privacy is needed, such as during telephone conversations on buses or trains, according to scientists."An expanded muscle-control system could help injured astronauts control machines.
If an astronaut is suffering from muscle weakness due to a long stint in microgravity, the astronaut could send signals to software that would assist with landings on Mars or the Earth, for example," Jorgensen explained.
These are processed to remove noise, and then we process them to see useful parts of the signals to show one word from another," Jorgensen said.After the signals are amplified, computer software 'reads' the signals to recognize each word and sound.
Our Research and Development Division has been in contact with the Federal Bureau of Prisons, the California Department of Corrections, the Texas Department of Public Safety, and the Massachusetts Department of Correction to run limited trials of the 2020 neural chip implant. We have established representatives of our interests in both management and institutional level positions within these departments. Federal regulations do not yet permit testing of implants on prisoners, but we have entered nto contractual agreements with privatized health care professionals and specified correctional personnel to do limited testing of our products. We need, however, to expand our testing to research how effective the 2020 neural chip implant performs in those identified as the most aggressive in our society. In California, several prisoners were identified as members of the security threat group, EME, or Mexican Mafia.
They were brought to the health services unit at Pelican Bay and tranquilized with advanced sedatives developed by our Cambridge,Massachussetts laboratories.
The results of implants on 8 prisoners yielded the following results: a€?Implants served as surveillance monitoring device for threat group activity.
However, during that period substantial data was gathered by our research and development team which suggests that the implants exceed expected results. One of the major concerns of Security and the R & D team was that the test subject would discover the chemial imbalance during the initial adjustment period and the test would have to be scurbbed. However, due to advanced technological developments in the sedatives administered, the 48 hour adjustment period can be attributed t prescription medication given to the test subjects after the implant procedure. One of the concerns raised by R & D was the cause of the bleeding and how to eliminate that problem.
Unexplained bleeding might cause the subject to inquire further about his "routine" visit to the infirmary or health care facility. Security officials now know several strategies employed by the EME that facilitate the transmission of illegal drugs and weapons into their correctional facilities. One intelligence officier remarked that while they cannot use the informaiton that have in a court of law that they now know who to watch and what outside "connections" they have. The prison at Soledad is now considering transferring three subjects to Vacaville wher we have ongoing implant reserach.
Our technicians have promised that they can do three 2020 neural chip implants in less than an hour. Soledad officials hope to collect information from the trio to bring a 14 month investigation into drug trafficking by correctional officers to a close. Essentially, the implants make the unsuspecting prisoner a walking-talking recorder of every event he comes into contact with.
There are only five intelligence officers and the Commisoner of Corrections who actually know the full scope of the implant testing. In Massachusetts, the Department of Corrections has already entered into high level discussion about releasing certain offenders to the community with the 2020 neural chip implants.
Our people are not altogether against the idea, however, attorneys for Intelli-Connection have advised against implant technology outside strick control settings. While we have a strong lobby in the Congress and various state legislatures favoring our product, we must proceed with the utmost caution on uncontrolled use of the 2020 neural chip.
If the chip were discovered in use not authorized by law and the procedure traced to us we could not endure for long the resulting publicity and liability payments. Massachusetts officials have developed an intelligence branch from their Fugitive Task Force Squad that would do limited test runs under tight controls with the pre-release subjects. Correctons officials have dubbed these poetnetial test subjects "the insurance group." (the name derives from the concept that the 2020 implant insures compliance with the law and allows officials to detect misconduct or violations without question) A retired police detective from Charlestown, Massachusetts, now with the intelligence unit has asked us to consider using the 2020 neural chip on hard core felons suspected of bank and armored car robbery. He stated, "Charlestown would never be the same, we'd finally know what was happening before they knew what was happening." We will continue to explore community uses of the 2020 chip, but our company rep will be attached to all law enforcement operations with an extraction crrew that can be on-site in 2 hours from anywhere at anytime. We have an Intelli-Connection discussion group who is meeting with the Director of Security at Florence, Colorado's federal super maximum security unit. The initial discussions with the Director have been promising and we hope to have an R & D unit at this important facilitly within the next six months.
Napolitano insisted that the department was not planning on engaging in any form of ideological profiling. I will tell him face-to-face that we honor veterans at DHS and employ thousands across the department, up to and including the Deputy Secretary," Ms. Steve Buyer of Indiana, the ranking Republican on the House Committee on Veterans' Affairs, called it "inconceivable" that the Obama administration would categorize veterans as a potential threat.



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