Canadian womens suffrage timeline,how to pin a website windows 8.1,website for free cell phone ringtones - Good Point

Published 16.10.2014 | Author : admin | Category : What A Man Wants From A Woman

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Ontario became the fifth province to grant women the right to vote on 12 April 1917, after more than half a century of activism by suffragists. Collaborating with their counterparts in Western Canada, the United States and Britain, Ontario's suffragists raised awareness and support for their cause through the formation of organizations, participation in national and international meetings, petitions and lobbying at the municipal and provincial levels, political theatre and political writing. Amid suffrage victories in Western Canada in 1916, the Ontario legislature succumbed to pressure and finally voted in favour of women’s suffrage. Several traditional Indigenous societies living on or near Lake Ontario had strong matrilineal structures in which women held positions of power. The non-Indigenous women residing in Upper Canada, including British settlers, White American Loyalists, Free Blacks and slaves of African origins, lived in a highly patriarchal society which offered women limited political rights, legal protection or opportunities for economic independence. Initially the governance structure of Upper Canada did not explicitly prohibit women from voting; the Constitutional Act of 1791 defined voters as “persons” who owned property of a certain value, with no mention of eligibility by sex. Like its predecessor, the 1840 Act of Union did not include any restrictions of voter eligibility based on sex. When the Reform party came to power in 1849 they added the first clause in Canada’s electoral laws that specifically excluded women from voting. Between 1859 and 1873, petitions and letters to editors written by women cited cases of abuse and abandonment of wives as reasons to improve women’s property rights.
In 1867, with Confederation, the British North America Act (now the Constitution Act, 1867) made voter eligibility a provincial matter. The founding of the Toronto Women’s Literary Club (TWLC) in 1876, an organization dedicated to women’s education, was the launching pad of the suffrage movement in Canada. Also in 1881, the TWLC sent the first delegation to the provincial legislature asking for women’s suffrage. While the development of the CWSA was a significant landmark in suffrage history, two earlier examples of women’s collective action are equally important: Black women abolitionists and the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union. Black women in Southwestern Ontario were among the first women activists in Canada to organize and advocate for civil rights. Founded in Owen Sound in 1874 by Sunday school teacher Letitia Youmans, the Canadian branch of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) grew out of late-19th century evangelical social reform (see Social Gospel).
The mobilization of new women’s organizations in the late 19th century, often with overlapping membership, helped raise awareness in the press and legislature about the ways Ontario’s laws failed to protect women.
Most Liberal and Conservative politicians attempted to placate suffragists by explaining they were not opposed to women’s suffrage in principle.
A new century brought renewed energy and new participants into Ontario’s suffrage movement.
The urgency of the First World War (1914–18) both stunted and invigorated the provincial suffrage crusade. It was not until 1919 that a bill was passed giving Ontario women the right to hold political office at the provincial and municipal levels. In 1954, Status Indians in Ontario were granted the right to vote in provincial elections; this included women. The women’s suffrage movement in Ontario was critical to raising awareness and legislative changes that would improve women’s political, legal and economic rights. First World War CollectionThe First World War of 1914–1918 was the bloodiest conflict in Canadian history, taking the lives of more than 60,000 Canadians. The US ‘CHINESE EXCLUSION ACT OF 1882’ + Native American, Sherman Alexie, On UNVARNISHED NATIVE AMERICAN HISTORY (Broken Promises & Indian Reservations)! The US ‘CHINESE EXCLUSION ACT OF 1882’ + Native American, Sherman Alexie, On UNVARNISHED NATIVE AMERICAN HISTORY (Broken Promises & Indian Reservations)! Lest you think I invented this stuff, here is the 1882 text I refer to in the ‘Chinese Exclusion Act’!
Just listen to all those ‘Revisionist Historians’ on TV, who tell us about America’s long, glorious and honorable History in dealing with Immigrants!
Americans were less ‘long winded’ in 1882 and not so versed in ‘small print’ in those days! In the event you decline to read the 1882 ‘Fine Print’, a ‘Simplified’ Explanation may be found at the end of this Post!
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the expiration of ninety days next after the passage of this act, and until the expiration of ten years next after the passage of this act, the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States be, and the same is hereby, suspended; and during such suspension it shall not be lawful for any Chinese laborer to come, or, having so come after the expiration of said ninety days, to remain within the United States.
The first significant Chinese immigration to America began with the California Gold Rush of 1848-1855, and continued with subsequent large labor projects, such as the building of the First Transcontinental Railroad.
Early on, the California government did not wish to exclude Chinese migrant workers from immigration because they provided essential tax revenue which helped fill the fiscal gap of California.[citation needed] Only later, when there was enough money did the government cease to oppose Chinese exclusion.
The Chinese Exclusion Act was one of the most significant restrictions on free immigration in U.S.
The Chinese Exclusion Act required the few nonlaborers who sought entry to obtain certification from the Chinese government that they were qualified to immigrate. Amendments made in 1884 tightened the provisions that allowed previous immigrants to leave and return, and clarified that the law applied to ethnic Chinese regardless of their country of origin. On the other hand, many people strongly supported the Chinese Exclusion Act, including the Knights of Labor, a labor union, who supported it because it believed that industrialists were using Chinese workers as a wedge to keep wages low.[13] Among labor and leftist organizations, the Industrial Workers of the World were the sole exception to this pattern. Certificate of identity issued to Yee Wee Thing certifying that he is the son of a US citizen, issued Nov. Just a few more examples of American Goody-Goodyness – if you are American, you must be SO PROUD! For all practical purposes, the Exclusion Act, along with the restrictions that followed it, froze the Chinese community in place in 1882. Furthermore, the Chinese Exclusion Act did not address the problems that whites were facing; in fact, the Chinese were quickly and eagerly replaced by the Japanese, who assumed the role of the Chinese in society.
The Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed by the 1943 Magnuson Act, which permitted Chinese nationals already residing in the country to become naturalized citizens and stop hiding from the threat of deportation. On June 18, 2012, the United States House of Representatives passed a resolution introduced by Congresswoman Judy Chu, that formally expresses the regret of the House of Representatives for the Chinese Exclusion Act, which imposed almost total restrictions on Chinese immigration and naturalization and denied Chinese-Americans basic freedoms because of their ethnicity.
The Washington Post recently took a look at two counties in Florida and found that people who live in the more affluent St.
His adult show is more Magic, Mystery, Illusion, comedy and participation, that will keep you well and truly entertained.You can even combine the 2 for family fun.
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Lillian Dyck is a Canadian Senator from Saskatchewan, appointed by Liberal Prime Minister Paul Martin in 2005. Dyck was born in North Battleford, Saskatchewan, to a China-born father, Yook Chun Quan, and a Saskatchewan-born Cree mother, Eva Muriel McNab, who was a member of the Gordon First Nation.
Dyck’s Parliament of Canada website highlights advocacy for equity in the education and employment of women, Chinese Canadians and Aboriginal people.
As protests against government policies escalated in the second decade of the 20th century, Dyck proved an unusual patronage appointment. Dyck’s determined activism and championship of democratic movements from the Canadian Senate, traditionally a symbol of male and white authority, like that of New Brunswick’s Sandra Lovelace Nicholas, suggests that the warning of poet Audre Lorde that ‘the Master’s tools will never dismantle the Master’s house’ may be worth at least somewhat reconsidering. Roy, Marc “Liberal Senators Taking Action in support of missing and murdered Aboriginal women,”Liberal Senate Forum.
The Women’s Memorial March Committee (WMMC) is a grassroots organization working in Coast Salish Territory (Vancouver, BC).
The number of victims and the diversity of their backgrounds have resulted in many organizational alliances.
Such alliances are critical  because violence against women scars the whole world, and gender is rarely the only cause. The challenge of WMMC activists, allies and supporters has not gone unnoticed as rallies across Canada attest. In 2010, the British Columbia government created the “Missing Women Commission of Inquiry”. In face of persisting violence against women and systemic official failure, the need for alliances and for marching remains.
In the winter of 2012-13 the Canadian media accelerated its coverage of Indigenous peoples, largely in response to the actions of one individual and one movement. Chief Spence first came to prominent media attention in the fall of 2011 when poor housing conditions on her reserve drove her to declare a state of emergency. In their fascination with the supposed flaws of their targets, some journalists deserted their posts as critical guardians of a well-functioning democracy. The repeated dismissal of Chief Spence’s fast reveals the media’s pervasive ignorance of Indigenous ways of life. Chief Spence also become the primary media target of accusations of financial mismanagement of Attawapiskat funds. The efforts of the Winnipeg Free Press demonstrate the existence of an alternative, more respectful point of view.
Women Suffrage and Beyond is an electronic academic journal (ISSN 2292-1060) that is always open to new submissions.
Beginning in the 1870s, Ontario’s suffrage movement emerged from the vibrant nation-wide mobilization of middle class women who sought political representation as a means to improve women’s rights and assert influence in social, economic and political reform. Much of the suffrage activism occurred in urban and rural Southern Ontario, with Toronto being the headquarters of provincial suffrage organizations. Among the Haudenosaunee, clan mothers—female elders who carried the hereditary rights to represent different nations of the confederacy—were tasked with using their knowledge of the Great Law to responsibly appoint, observe or remove the authority of (male) chiefs and faith keepers. Most significantly, under British common law a married woman had no right to own or sell property, or have control over how her own wages were spent. Technically this should have allowed unmarried women and widows with property to vote, yet the absence of women’s voting records in Upper Canada suggests that women with property qualifications were not expected or allowed to claim voting privileges. Nevertheless, the first piece of evidence that propertied women voted in Canada West (formerly Upper Canada) appears in 1844—a complaint raised by a defeated Reform candidate who protested that seven women voted for his Tory opponent.
One exception was made in 1850, to allow women who met property qualifications, be they married or single, to vote for and be elected as school trustees, though few women availed themselves of this opportunity until the 20th century.
These campaigns resulted in moderate amendments allowing married women the right to own, but not dispose of, any property inherited before marriage. Women’s exclusion from voting in municipal, provincial and federal elections continued in the newly formed province of Ontario until the formation of a women’s suffrage movement in the late 1870s challenged the status quo.
The club’s efforts resulted in a new law that allowed all women with property qualifications the right to vote on bylaws and minor municipal matters. Mary Bibb and Amelia Freeman Shadd organized literary and social clubs for women in Windsor and Chatham in the 1850s, predating the TWLC by two decades. Spreading quickly across the province and country, the WCTU framed temperance as a middle class women’s issue, arguing that prohibition and personal sobriety would alleviate domestic violence, sex work and poverty, thus improving the standard of living for working class and poor women. Throughout the 1880s and 1890s, the CWSA and its allied organizations focused on gaining the municipal vote for married women and the provincial franchise for all women.
Anna Howard Shaw, Stowe created a new suffrage association in 1889, the Dominion Women’s Enfranchisement Association (DWEA), where she served as president until her death in 1903. They did, however, argue that they could not amend the franchise when it appeared to be only of interest to a minority, and thus not representative of most women’s wishes.
Socialist groups emerged in Canada at the turn of the 20th century and offered support to the “Woman Question,” arguing that a socialist revolution would emancipate women from patriarchy. While Denison represented Canada at two meetings of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance in Europe, her socialist leanings, support for birth control and divorce, and her defence of the militancy of British suffragettes were ultimately deemed too contentious for her to remain CSA president.
Many suffragists shifted their volunteer efforts to patriotic war work, while a minority turned to peace work. Teacher Agnes Macphail (Southeast Grey County) was elected in 1921 as a Member of Parliament (MP) first for the United Farmers of Ontario, and later for the Progressive Party and the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation.

Some notable firsts at the municipal level include Constance Hamilton, elected to Toronto City Council in 1920, and Barbara Hanley, elected mayor of Webbwood in 1936. Federally, Indigenous women living on reserves did not gain suffrage until federal amendments were made in 1960, but Indigenous women could hold office on reserve beginning in 1951.
Furthermore, suffrage activism resulted in a more comprehensive vision of democracy in Ontario.
This collection brings together a number of our resources on the First World War.View Collection!
Trevor Aaronson, “The FBI Has A Clear Record Of Being Able To Set Up Sting Operations On People Who Want To Commit Violence But Don’t Have The Means While At The Same Time It Misses The Really Dangerous Threats Like We Saw In Boston!” One More Example Of Capitalism Run Amok (Paid Informants With Heroin Addictions Report For Government Payoff$ And Attention Is Paid, While The Russian Government Reports To CIA & FBI About Tamerlan Tsarnaev, And Is Ignored) – Tabacco: Does That Make YOU Feel Safer? So seeing through their Bigotry, Racism and Lies was a lot easier then without all those pages and pages of Fine Print.
During the early stages of the gold rush, when surface gold was plentiful, the Chinese were tolerated, if not well received.[1] As gold became harder to find and competition increased, animosity toward the Chinese and other foreigners increased. He is interrogated by Inspector Charles E Golding with clerk Marion T Lovett recording and David Lee interpreting, June 15, 1938, in Boston, MA.
But this group found it increasingly difficult to prove that they were not laborers because the 1882 act defined excludables as “skilled and unskilled laborers and Chinese employed in mining.” Thus very few Chinese could enter the country under the 1882 law. Any Chinese who left the United States had to obtain certifications for reentry, and the Act made Chinese immigrants permanent aliens by excluding them from U.S. The Scott Act (1888) expanded upon the Chinese Exclusion Act, prohibiting reentry after leaving the U.S. Limited immigration from China continued until the repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1943. Unlike the Chinese, some Japanese were even able to climb the rungs of society by setting up businesses or becoming truck farmers.[16] However, the Japanese were later targeted in the National Origins Act of 1924, which banned immigration from east Asia entirely.
In an extended essay, Bill shares examples of the striking extremes of wealth and poverty across the country, including a video report on California’s Silicon Valley. Born on a Native American reservation, Alexie has been navigating the cultural boundaries of American culture in lauded poetry, novels, short stories, screenplays, even stand-up comedy for over two decades. In California’s Silicon Valley, Apple, Facebook and Google, among others, have reinvented the Gold Rush.
He does balloon modelling, magically makes sweets, bubbles and can even make snow for that little something special. K's US History classScript: In today's society, women and men are endowed with equal rights.
Gladwell, CM (born September 3, 1963) is a Canadian journalist, bestselling author, and speaker. As one of the first Aboriginal women in Canada to pursue an academic career in the natural sciences, Dyck has been recognized as both a scholar and a leader for Aboriginal women. Her family moved frequently through small towns in Alberta and Saskatchewan while Dyck and her brother worked in her father’s Chinese cafe, a common institution in mid-20th century Canada (Choi).  Her mother died when Dyck was eleven and her father as she finished high school.
She earned a doctorate in Biological Psychiatry (1981), when her only child, a son, was aged seven. In December 2012, she protested the Conservative government’s passage of controversial Bill C-45 (now known as the Jobs and Growth Act, 2012).
In the meantime, she is a provocative reminder of the many identities that Canadians bring to the struggle for greater equality. Each year on Valentine’s Day, family members and their allies memorialize over 3000 missing and murdered women across Canada. This cooperation between Indigenous and Non-Indigenous activists has been developing since at least the 1980s. While Canada’s missing and murdered women  come from many different backgrounds, Indigenous women are disproportionately targets.
The protest against gender- and race-inspired violence has also gained international attention.
In 2005 Ottawa announced $10 million for a national database on missing and murdered women. Its mandate asked whether the police had properly investigated the cases of Vancouver’s missing and murdered women and whether the 1998 attempted murder charges against convicted serial killer Robert Pickton should have been stayed. On December 11, 2012, Chief Spence re-emerged in Canadian news headlines when she went on a 44 day long hunger strike to highlight the desperate conditions at Attawapiskat and elsewhere on Turtle Island.  In particular, she requested a meeting with Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Governor General David Johnston (the representative of the Crown) to discuss Canada’s treaties and the obligations of a nation-to-nation relationship.
First, it emerged in the context of the government’s continuing rejection of both the recommendations of the 1996 Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, and the principles of the Kelowna Accord (2005) agreed upon by the previous Liberal administration. Rather than investigating the specifics of Chief Spence’s political messages or examining the structures that led to the conflicts within Canada’s Indigenous communities and between them and the federal government, many commentators in both the “mainstream” media and alternative social media forums such as Twitter, Facebook and blog sites resorted to gendered and racialized stereotypes. When it was learned that Spence was taking fluids and traditional medicines in the form of tea and fish broth, her action was downgraded to a “so called” hunger strike. As Leanne Simpson has highlighted, fish soup serves as a key signifier in Anishinaabeg history and governance. While the independent audit by Deloitte and Touche reveals shortcomings, it does not directly condemn the chief. Social media forums have attacked contemporary Indigenous protest generally, notably Idle No More. Given the racism and sexism, detailed in the recent Missing Women Commission of Inquiry reports (November 22, 2012), this is not surprising. The first Ontario suffragists were a cohort of predominantly White, Anglo-Protestant, educated women led by Dr.
Suffragists’ efforts were ridiculed by male and female opponents who countered that women neither needed, nor wanted the vote.
As with men, voting eligibility was restricted to women over 21 years of age, who were born or naturalized British subjects and who had lived in the country for 12 months. Under centuries of colonization, however, the influence of patriarchal European settlers eroded many of Indigenous women’s traditional rights. Until the mid- to late-19th century, most women were barred from higher education and professional careers. Emily Stowe, the first woman physician to practise medicine in Canada, the TWLC provided a weekly meeting space and community for educated women—a radical concept, considering clubs were traditionally the domain of men. Inspired by this success at the municipal level, the TWLC disbanded in 1883 and reconstituted as the Canadian Women’s Suffrage Association (CWSA) to openly foster its members’ pursuit of women’s suffrage.
In 1853, prominent abolitionist Mary Ann Shadd was the first female publisher and editor of a North American newspaper, The Provincial Freeman, which reported on Black men’s voting rights and the origins of the women’s suffragemovement in the United States.Although Black women would remain on the periphery of the mainstream suffrage movement in Canada, Shadd would return to the United States to found the Colored Women’s Progressive Franchise Association in 1880. Despite common interests, the WCTU was initially reluctant to support suffrage, as they believed that women’s influence was more beneficial at home than at the polling station.
More than one hundred petitions to town councils and the provincial government were made between 1884 and 1888. The DWEA hoped to establish itself as a national network and federated with the newly formed National Council of Women of Canada (NCWC) in 1893, though much of its activity remained in Ontario. Those more antagonistic to the movement equated women’s suffrage with the complete upheaval of social and family values or viewed suffrage in opposition to God’s divine plan for men and women.
Much like the WCTU, they recognized that female voters could help their cause; thus, the Ontario Socialist League (OSL) put universal suffrage on their platform in 1902. Despite its national name, the CSA operated predominantly in Ontario, focusing on achieving provincial suffrage.
Others used women’s wartime volunteerism and paid labour as proof women deserved equal citizenship rights. As a federal MP between 1921 and 1940, Macphail advocated for the rights of farmers and rural issues, as well as the rights of workers, seniors, children and women.
In 1954, Elsie Knott became the first female chief in Canada, leading the Anishinaabe Curve Lake First Nation, northeast of Peterborough. After achieving the vote, Ontario women continued to be active in political causes, exercising their right to vote, standing for office and forming organizations dedicated to social change and equality. When The “Who” Is Determined, The Bomb Setters Will Be Offered Up As The “WHY” – That Is A Misdirection Ploy Known As “AD HOMINEM”.
That the master of any vessel who shall knowingly bring within the United States on such vessel, and land or permit to be landed, and Chinese laborer, from any foreign port of place, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof shall be punished by a fine of not more than five hundred dollars for each and every such Chinese laborer so brought, and may be also imprisoned for a term not exceeding one year. That for the purpose of properly indentifying Chinese laborers who were in the United States on the seventeenth day of November, eighteen hundred and eighty, or who shall have come into the same before the expiration of ninety days next after the passage of this act, and in order to furnish them with the proper evidence of their right to go from and come to the United States of their free will and accord, as provided by the treaty between the United States and China dated November seventeenth, eighteen hundred and eighty, the collector of customs of the district from which any such Chinese laborer shall depart from the United States shall, in person or by deputy, go on board each vessel having on board any such Chinese laborer and cleared or about to sail from his district for a foreign port, and on such vessel make a list of all such Chinese laborers, which shall be entered in registry-books to be kept for that purpose, in which shall be stated the name, age, occupation, last place of residence, physical marks or peculiarities, and all facts necessary for the identification of each of such Chinese laborers, which books shall be safely kept in the custom-house; and every such Chinese laborer so departing from the United States shall be entitled to, and shall receive, free of any charge or cost upon application therefor, from the collector or his deputy, at the time such list is taken, a certificate, signed by the collector or his deputy and attested by his seal of office, in such form as the Secretary of the Treasury shall prescribe, which certificate shall contain a statement of the name, age, occupation, last place of residence, personal description, and fact of identification of the Chinese laborer to whom the certificate is issued, corresponding with the said list and registry in all particulars.
That any Chinese laborer mentioned in section four of this act being in the United States, and desiring to depart from the United States by land, shall have the right to demand and receive, free of charge or cost, a certificate of indentification similar to that provided for in section four of this act to be issued to such Chinese laborers as may desire to leave the United States by water; and it is hereby made the duty of the collector of customs of the district next adjoining the foreign country to which said Chinese laborer desires to go to issue such certificate, free of charge or cost, upon application by such Chinese laborer, and to enter the same upon registry-books to be kept by him for the purpose, as provided for in section four of this act. That in order to the faithful execution of articles one and two of the treaty in this act before mentioned, every Chinese person other than a laborer who may be entitled by said treaty and this act to come within the United States, and who shall be about to come to the United States, shall be identified as so entitled by the Chinese Government in each case, such identity to be evidenced by a certificate issued under the authority of said government, which certificate shall be in the English language or (if not in the English language) accompanied by a translation into English, stating such right to come, and which certificate shall state the name, title, or official rank, if any, the age, height, and all physical peculiarities, former and present occupation or profession, and place of residence in China of the person to whom the certificate is issued and that such person is entitled conformably to the treaty in this act mentioned to come within the United States.
That any person who shall knowingly and falsely alter or substitute any name for the name written in such certificate or forge any such certificate, or knowingly utter any forged or fraudulent certificate, or falsely personate any person named in any such certificate, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor; and upon conviction thereof shall be fined in a sum not exceeding one thousand dollars, an imprisoned in a penitentiary for a term of not more than five years.
That the master of any vessel arriving in the United States from any foreign port or place shall, at the same time he delivers a manifest of the cargo, and if there be no cargo, then at the time of making a report of the entry of vessel pursuant to the law, in addition to the other matter required to be reported, and before landing, or permitting to land, any Chinese passengers, deliver and report to the collector of customs of the district in which such vessels shall have arrived a separate list of all Chinese passengers taken on board his vessel at any foreign port or place, and all such passengers on board the vessel at that time.
That before any Chinese passengers are landed from any such vessel, the collector, or his deputy, shall proceed to examine such passengers, comparing the certificates with the list and with the passengers; and no passenger shall be allowed to land in the United States from such vessel in violation of law. That every vessel whose master shall knowingly violate any of the provisions of this act shall be deemed forfeited to the United States, and shall be liable to seizure and condemnation on any district of the United States into which such vessel may enter or in which she may be found. That any person who shall knowingly bring into or cause to be brought into the United States by land, or who shall knowingly aid or abet the same, or aid or abet the landing in the United States from any vessel of any Chinese person not lawfully entitled to enter the United States, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall, on conviction thereof, be fined in a sum not exceeding one thousand dollars, and imprisoned for a term not exceeding one year. That no Chinese person shall be permitted to enter the United States by land without producing to the proper officer of customs the certificate in this act required of Chinese persons seeking to land from a vessel. That this act shall not apply to diplomatic and other officers of the Chinese Government traveling upon the business of that government, whose credentials shall be taken as equivalent to the certificate in this act mentioned, and shall exempt them and their body and household servants from the provisions of this act as to other Chinese persons.
That hereafter no State court or court of the United States shall admit Chinese to citizenship; and all laws in conflict with this act are hereby repealed. For the first time, Federal law proscribed entry of an ethnic working group on the premise that it endangered the good order of certain localities.
From 1910 to 1940, the Angel Island Immigration Station on what is now Angel Island State Park in San Francisco Bay served as the processing center for most of the 56,113 Chinese immigrants who are recorded as immigrating or returning from China; upwards of 30% more who showed up were returned to China. Large scale Chinese immigration did not occur until the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. There, Facebook, Google, and Apple are minting millionaires, while the area’s homeless — who’ve grown 20 percent in the last two years — are living in tent cities at their virtual doorsteps. Alexie shares his irreverent perspective on contemporary American life, and discusses the challenges of living in two different cultures at the same time, especially when one has so much dominance over the other. You will hear people say it doesn’t, but they are usually so high up the ladder they can’t even see those at the bottom. Reflecting the complexities of Canadian multiculturalism, she was both the first female Indigenous senator and the first Canadian-born senator of Chinese origin. That same year, she decided that it was “time to come out of the closet” and acknowledge her Cree ancestry. She also highlighted Chinese Head Tax redress funding and the Missing and Murdered Aboriginal Women Inquiry. February 14th, 2013 marks the 21st year of the annual demonstration that honours victims, directs national and international attention to this tragedy, and builds alliances with other groups calling for justice and substantive social change. The campaign of the WMMC has been strengthened by the support of groups such as Feminist Alliance for International Action (FAFIA) and the Native Women’s Association of Canada (NWAC). They are 3.5 times more likely than non-Indigenous women to suffer violence during their lifetime and five more times more likely to die violently. The 2004 Stolen Sisters Report from Amnesty International documented systemic abuse and concluded that the Canadian state had failed in its duties to protect women and girls.
Second, Spence’s hunger strike took place just after the grass-roots protest movement, Idle No More, had begun to highlight both widespread racism in the Canadian political and social system, and the shortcomings of the Assembly of First Nations (AFN) and the Canadian state-sanctioned leadership mandated through the Indian Act.
Although the World Medical Association’s Declaration of Malta on Hunger Strikers (1991) states that clear liquids can be consumed during a hunger strike, the media court largely decided otherwise. The designation of Chief Spence’s fast as a “liquid diet” originates in a modern western discourse of enormous privilege.
The National Post, however,  typically singled her out with its headline “Federal Government audit ‘severely critical’ of Attawapiskat Chief Theresa Spence.
The coverage of Chief Spence and Idle No More cannot be disconnected from a history of oppression.

Other women originally excluded from the vote were Indigenous women living on reserves, female prison inmates, and residents of asylums and charitable institutions. Stowe was inspired to start the TWLC after attending the American Association for the Advancement of Women, a conference bringing together different women’s study groups. Liberal Member of Provincial Parliament (MPP) John Waters (Middlesex North) diligently supported the cause, introducing nine bills in favour of women’s suffrage between 1885 and 1893. It continued to make links internationally and nationally with visits from American suffragist Susan B.
Meanwhile, female opponents of women’s suffrage, such as home economics matron and founder of the Women’s Institute, Adelaide Hoodless, objected to enfranchisement on the grounds that women already could effect change by asserting their influence within the family and community, thus avoiding the corruption of politics. The OSL supported the efforts of their member, Margaret Haile, to run for a seat in the Ontario provincial election as the first female candidate, an act endorsed by Stowe-Gullen. The suffrage association worked with new proponents of women’s suffrage, including Toronto Mayor Emerson Coatsworth, Liberal MPP John Smith (Peel) and Labour MPP Allan Studholme (Hamilton East), all of whom introduced resolutions and bills, despite a frosty reception from Conservative Premier James P. With new Premier William Hearst in office, the CSA and their handful of allied Liberal MPPs rallied support for a succession of delegations and bills in 1915–16. Canada’s first female senator also hailed from Ontario: Carine Wilson, a Liberal from Ottawa with extensive volunteer experience in women’s and refugee issues, was appointed to the Senate in 1930. In case any Chinese laborer after having received such certificate shall leave such vessel before her departure he shall deliver his certificate to the master of the vessel, and if such Chinese laborer shall fail to return to such vessel before her departure from port the certificate shall be delivered by the master to the collector of customs for cancellation. Such certificate shall be prima-facie evidence of the fact set forth therein, and shall be produced to the collector of customs, or his deputy, of the port in the district in the United States at which the person named therein shall arrive. Such list shall show the names of such passengers (and if accredited officers of the Chinese Government traveling on the business of that government, or their servants, with a note of such facts), and the name and other particulars, as shown by their respective certificates; and such list shall be sworn to by the master in the manner required by law in relation to the manifest of the cargo.
And any Chinese person found unlawfully within the United States shall be caused to be removed therefrom to the country from whence he came, by direction of the United States, after being brought before some justice, judge, or commissioner of a court of the United States and found to be one not lawfully entitled to be or remain in the United States. By 1878 Congress decided to act and passed legislation excluding the Chinese, but this was vetoed by President Hayes.
Despite the fact that the exclusion act was repealed in 1943, the law in California that Chinese people were not allowed to marry whites was not repealed until 1948.[18][19] Other states had such laws until 1967,[20] when the United States Supreme Court unanimously ruled in Loving v.
Do the math: in an area where one fourth of the population earn an average of about $19,000 dollars a year, rent alone can average more than $20,000 dollars a year, and that difference adds up to homelessness. She personally also found that there was “more discrimination against Indians than against Chinese” (ibid).
Prior to entering the Senate, Dyck worked as a neuroscientist at the University of Saskatchewan. In January 2013, she identified with the Idle No More Movement, speaking at a rally in Saskatoon on 5 January alongside Indigenous historian Dr. This tragedy is especially evident in British Columbia, home to both Canada’s poorest postal code, that of the Downtown Eastside (DTES), and to Highway 16, dubbed the “Highway of Tears” because of the  girls and women who have gone missing while traveling along it. In 2008 the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (UNCEDW) reprimanded Canada. Despite initial welcome as a step towards reform, the Commission’s obvious shortcomings soon seized the spotlight. All public leaders should be subject to the same examination, and all administrations should be held responsible for financial mismanagement. Further dismissals referred to her “liquids only diet” and questioned the danger to her health.
One twitter user posted photos of his gun and ammunition when he insisted that no blockade would stop him getting to work.  The Winnipeg Free Press had to delete numerous abusive comments from its coverage of both the movement and the hunger strike. His column on 25 January challenged rampant hypocrisy in the treatment of Attawapiskat spending.
Until more of Canada’s press does its homework in investigating relations between Native and non-Native Canada,  the legacy of colonialism will hobble Canadian democracy. TWLC members pursued intellectual growth through the study of literature, science, music, theatrical performance and guest lectures, which often prompted discussions on the status of women, among other social and civic reform issues. In 1884 a further amendment granted unmarried women and widows the right to vote in municipal elections. Interrelated crusades were opening more universities to women and improving married women’s property rights. Even the NCWC did not support suffrage until 1910 because they deemed it too controversial. As former vice president of the CSA and president of the Toronto Suffrage Association, Gordon’s previous efforts had been focused on the municipal vote. While these efforts were defeated, suffrage victories in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta in 1916, followed by British Columbia in early 1917, forced change in Ontario. And I’m Not Even Talking About George Washington’s Negro Slaves, WWII Japanese Internment, Child Labor, Burning Witches, Chain Gangs, Women’s Suffrage, Etc. Why The MSM & Government Officials Of ALL COUNTRIES Cannot Be Trusted To Tell The Truth, The Whole Truth & Nothing But The Truth! The certificate herein provided for shall entitle the Chinese laborer to whom the same is issued to return to and re-enter the United States upon producing and delivering the same to the collector of customs of the district at which such Chinese laborer shall seek to re-enter; and upon delivery of such certificate by such Chinese laborer to the collector of customs at the time of re-entry in the United States, said collector shall cause the same to be filed in the custom house and duly canceled. Any willful refusal or neglect of any such master to comply with the provisions of this section shall incur the same penalties and forfeiture as are provided for a refusal or neglect to report and deliver a manifest of cargo. We talked to Associated Press reporter Martha Mendoza, who brought this story to our attention.
Only as an adult did she feel sufficiently confident to present herself publicly as both Chinese and Indian. Initially she sought to represent the New Democratic Party but since it advocated the Senate’s dissolution, she identified as ‘Independent New Democratic Party.’ In 2009 she joined the Liberal Senate caucus. During the height of the suffrage movement, women-centred demonstrations highlighted electoral and other forms of inequality.
Following appeals from many organizations, notably the FAFIA, the UN Committee announced its own investigation in late 2011. The lack of representation from victim advocacy groups and DTES community organizations was especially noted. In this instance, however, much of the Canadian media appear to have promoted and joined in a chorus of denunciation and personal assault.  In the process, any sense of history, especially the history of colonialism, went conspicuously missing. Michael Coran of Sun media invoked a cultural (and often racist as well as sexist) ideal in prefacing his disparaging comments by saying “I mean no disrespect- but this is a heavy woman.” He was not alone in focusing on Spence’s physical appearance whle largely ignoring her political message.
Such assessment left the public prey to  ready prejudices about the supposed extravagance and mismanagement of both Indigenous people and women.
One editorial by Matt Henderson concluded that much of the outpouring was “so offensive that one wonders where this hatred comes from. Perhaps still more important are the ways that Twitter and Facebook have hosted diverse discussion and practices of ‘speaking back to power.’ On Twitter, a user employing  the hashtag #Ottawapiskat brilliantly took official Ottawa to task in a devastating portrait of ill-spent millions, including the apparently doomed F-35’s. Suffrage was also of interest to Black women abolitionists, supporters of temperance, and socialists. In 1881, Canada Citizen, a Toronto weekly paper, showed its support to the club by devoting a column to women’s reform issues written by TWLC member, Sarah Anne Curzon.
Finally, in 1884, Ontario granted married women the right to own property and manage it without consulting their husbands. Although no progress was made at the provincial or municipal levels, in 1892 three women—including Dr. The variety of opposition rhetoric was satirized by the DWEA in their 1896 mock parliament, an act of political theatre that featured women pretending to be members of parliament voicing objections to a delegation of men demanding the vote.
At a time when most socialist women worked within their organizations behind the scenes, Haile was an exceptional public figure. In 1914, Gordon contacted approximately 850 Ontario town and city councils about enfranchising women.
The Liberal Party of Ontario officially endorsed women’s suffrage just before the legislature opened in 1917. And Mere Dismissal As “Crazies” Or “Terrorists” Or “Publicity Seekers” Does NOT Answer “WHY”! Supreme Court reaffirmed that the port inspectors and the Secretary of Commerce had final authority on who could be admitted. On 6 February 2013, Dyck was one of three senators to walk out of a meeting of the Senate Aboriginal Affairs Committee meetings, dramatically indicating her opposition to a proposed Conservative ‘First Nations Accountability Act’. As 1000s walk Canadian streets on Valentine’s Day in the 21st century, they likewise demand justice, this time for Canada’s missing and murdered women. On his own initiative, Commissioner Wally Oppal, BC’s former Attorney General, granted official standing to several groups, including the NWAC. Sun Newspaper columnist Ezra Levant tweeted “Tomorrow is Day 40 in Chief Snackalot’s hunger strike. The comments attack indigenous people in this country because of who they are and what they look like.” Even his outrage, however, did not deter observers determined to flaunt their distain for Indigenous people. Elsewhere, the commonly progressive Huffington Post Canada has republished critical blogs, most notably a detailed breakdown of Attawapiskat funding by Chelsea Vowel. Although there was a range of political ideology among suffragists, the two most dominant views either emphasized women’s equality with men or idealized women’s maternal nature as justification for the vote. Working in conjunction with 13 other reform groups and women’s organizations, the CSA presented Whitney with 100,000 signatures supporting suffrage.
In response, 161 communities sent petitions in favour of extending the municipal franchise to women and 33 held favourable referenda on the subject. With Conservatives at the federal level seeing women’s suffrage as favourable to their conscription cause, Ontario Conservatives were quick to join the Liberals in a unanimous vote supporting a bill in favour of women’s suffrage in February 1917. Obama, The MSM & Investigators Will Work Assiduously To Avoid Answering The Question “WHY?” Why Do You Think That Is? Ju Toy’s petition was thus barred despite the fact that the district court found that he was an American citizen. However, unlike the precedent of other commissions of inquiry, the BC government refused to fund the participation of community groups.
She still weights a deuce, deuce and a half.”  The same network held a contest for descriptions of Chief Spence. has also supplied alternative perspectives that address the historical context of colonization and systemic racism and sexism.
Ontario suffragists largely pursued change by working within the established legal and political system, and did not exhibit the militancy found in parts of the American and British movements.
The considerable efforts received praise in the Toronto Globe, but Whitney offered no commitment. Although the majority of the legislature remained antagonistic towards suffrage, more and more Ontarians appeared open to extending women more political rights. On 12 April 1917, both The Ontario Franchise Act and The Election Law Amendment Act received royal assent. But Fear Not, Today’s Inequities Will Give Future Generations More Than Enough Fodder To Refute That “Aren’t We A Mahvelous Democratic Country” Stuff! The Supreme Court determined that refusing entry at a port does not require due process and is legally equivalent to refusing entry at a land crossing. The published results included “fat, oink, garbage, chief two-chins, and Stop sucking Lysol.” Only certain kinds of people, with particular kinds of bodies are effectively credited with endangering themselves on hunger strikes. The same year, Toronto hosted the International Council of Women meeting, which drew together women activists from Europe and North America.
Despite its good intentions, procedural and funding problems undermined the credibility of the Commission. Later in the year, British suffragettes Emmeline Pankhurst and Ethel Snowden visited Toronto, offering support and inspiration to their Canadian counterparts.
Its final report, appropriately titled Forsaken: the Report of the Missing Women Commission of Inquiry (Nov. Another Sun reporter further trivialized her protest by targeting “Theresa Spence’s mood swings.” Like many others of her sex, she was effectively deemed biologically predisposed to be unreliable.

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