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Forbes , Forbes welcome page -- forbes is a global media company, focusing on business, investing, technology, entrepreneurship, leadership, and lifestyle. Wesmirch, ‘voice’ gig canceled (photos) kylie jenner and partynextdoor ‘are definitely dating wesmirch distills the lastest buzz from popular gossip blogs. While Ptolemy is most frequently associated with geography and cartography, he also wrote important works in a number of other fields including astronomy, astrology, music and optics.
Although no original manuscript of this text has survived the ravages of time, several manuscript copies, dating from the closing centuries of the Byzantine Empire (ca. For these and other reasons, Ptolemy knew mathematics to be an important part of cartography. The first Book of the Geographia is devoted primarily to theoretical principles, including a discussion of globe construction, the description of two map projections, and an extended, through amicable, criticism of his primary source, Marinus of Tyre, a€?the latest of the geographers of our timea€?.
In another chapter in Book I, Ptolemy wrote that there are two ways of making a portrait of the world: one is to reproduce it on a sphere, and the other is to draw it on a plane surface.
If the second method of drawing the earth is used, that is, if the spherical earth is projected onto a plane surface, certain adjustments are obviously necessary.
Ptolemya€™s exhaustive criticism of the imperfect methods of drawing maps adopted by Marinus would lead to the expectation that he himself would have used some of his own recommended projections in constructing his maps.
Book II of the Geographia opens with a prologue a€?of the particular descriptionsa€?, which is to say, the maps he was about to present, and a general statement of his mapmaking policy.
The fifth chapter of Book VII contains a description of the map of the world, together with an enumeration of the oceans and of the more important bays and islands.
In the eighth and last Book of the Geographia, Ptolemy returned to the business of discussing the principles of cartography, mathematical, geographical and astronomical methods of observation, and, in some cases (manuscript or printed copies) there follow short legends for each of the special maps - ten for Europe, four for Africa and twelve for Asia - mentioning the countries laid down on each plate, describing the limits, and enumerating the tribes of each country and its most important towns.
Those scholars who have argued that Ptolemya€™s original text contained no maps have neglected careful study of this Book. The obvious way to avoid crowding, Ptolemy said, is to make separate maps of the most populous regions or sectional maps combining densely populated areas with countries containing few inhabitants, if such a combination is feasible. The illustration above gives a diagram of the parts of the known world embraced by each special map found in Ptolemya€™s Geographia. While there is little doubt still lingering that Ptolemya€™s text was originally illustrated by maps, it is not altogether certain that the maps found today in existing copies of the Geographia are indeed similar to those of the original series of maps, since the latter have not survived for comparison. To further confound the issue, all of the other manuscript copies of the Geographia that are accompanied by maps differ one from another, presenting two basic versions. The other version, B, contains sixty-four maps distributed throughout the text, vice collected together in one place. Over and above these maps, those manuscripts with maps, both A- and B-versions, are additionally illustrated with a universal map of the entire known world at Ptolemya€™s time, either on one sheet or four sheets; only very rarely are both world maps found together.
As with modern maps, Ptolemaic maps are oriented so that North would be at the top and East at the right, because better known localities of the world were to be found in the northern latitudes, and on a flat map they would be easier to study if they were in the upper right-had corner. Displayed on the left-had margin of these world maps are seven Clima [Klima] and Parallel Zones. Overall Ptolemya€™s world-picture extended northward from the equator a distance of 31,500 stades [one mile = 9 to 10 stades; there has always been some controversy over the equivalent modern length of a stade] to 63A° N at Thule, and southward to a part of Ethiopia named Agysimba and Cape Prasum at 16A° S latitude, or the same distance south as Meroe was north.
It has been repeatedly pointed out that the distances set down by Ptolemy in his tables for the Mediterranean countries, the virtual center of the habitable world, are erroneous beyond reason, considering the fact that Roman Itineraries were accessible.
The geographical errors made by Ptolemy in his text and maps constitute the principle topic of many scholarly dissertations.
Paradoxically, Ptolemya€™s eastward extension of Asia, reducing the length of the unknown part of the world, coupled with his estimate of the circumference of the earth, was his greatest contribution to history if not cartography. Ptolemy provides a descriptive summary in his text in which he tells us that the habitable part of the earth is bounded on the south by the unknown land which encloses the Indian Sea and that it encompasses Ethiopia south of Libya, called Agisymba. The southern limit of the habitable world had been fixed by Eratosthenes (#112) and Strabo (#115) at the parallel through the eastern extremity of Africa, Cape Guardafiri, the cinnamon-producing country and the country of the SembritA¦ [Senaai]. Ptolemy records, following Marinus, the penetration of Roman expeditions to the land of the Ethiopians and to Agisymba, a region of the Sudan beyond the Sahara desert, perhaps the basin of Lake Chad, and he supplied other new information regarding the interior of North Africa. The eastern coast of Africa was better known than the western, having been visited by Greek and Roman traders as far as Rhapta [Rhaptum Promontory opposite Zanzibar?] which Ptolemy placed at about 7A° S. According to Greek tradition, an extension of 20A° in the width of the habitable world called for a proportionate increase in its length. Ptolemya€™s knowledge of the vast region from Sarmatia to China was, however, better than that of previous map makers. Many faults appear in Ptolemya€™s picture of southern Asia, although for more than a century commercial relations between western India and Alexandria had been flourishing. Even the more familiar territory of the Mediterranean basin demonstrated that insufficient contemporary knowledge was available and Ptolemy erred in many important cartographical details. Map on grid system, in Ptolemy, La geographia, 1561-64, 26 x 14 cm, a€?Oxford University Byw.
However, Ptolemy was apparently the first of the ancient geographers to have a fair conception of the relations between the Tanais, usually considered the northern boundary between Europe and Asia, and the Rha [Volga], which he said flowed into the Caspian Sea. In spite of the egregious errors on all of Ptolemya€™s maps, his atlas was indeed an unsurpassed masterpiece for almost 1,500 years.
During the intellectual narrow-mindedness of the Middle Ages even Ptolemy and his methods of map construction were forgotten, at least in the west.
The presently known version of Ptolemya€™s works began to surface when the Byzantine monk Maximos Planudes (1260 - 1310) succeeded in finding and purchasing a manuscript copy of the Geographia.
Another scholar of the Byzantine age is known to have been interested in Ptolemya€™s Geographia - the noted polyhistor Nikephoras Gregoras (1295 - c. In 1400 a Greek manuscript copy of the A-version (twenty-six maps) was obtained from Constantinople by the Florentine patron of letters, Palla Strozzi, who persuaded Emmanual Chrysoloras, a Byzantine scholar, to translate the text into Latin. Again, the original manuscript of Angelusa€™ translation and the first maps of Ptolemy in the Latin language have not survived, but a manuscript copy, dated 1427, prepared under the direction of Cardinal Fillastre, can be found in the library at Nancy, France (thus known as the Nancy Codex). In manuscript form, four other cartographers are significant in editing and influencing the evolution of Ptolemya€™s atlas. After the discovery of copper-plate and wood-engraving, Ptolemya€™s atlas became one of the first great works for the reproduction of which these arts were employed. DESCRIPTION:This seminal work was initially compiled in manuscript form on vellum, with drawings in red and black. The author, a seventh century Bishop of Seville (Spain), leaned heavily himself on classical writers, as well as the teachings of the Church Fathers. In view of the extraordinary influence of this treatise, the following excepts (the translation is taken from G.
Concerning the earth we are told that it is named from its roundness (orbis) which is like a wheel; whence the small wheel is called a€?orbiculusa€?. As to size, Isidore accepts Eratosthenesa€™ estimate (via Macrobius) of 252,000 stadia for the circumference of the earth.
The Ancients did not divide these three parts of the world equally, for Asia stretches right from the south, through the east to the north, but Europe stretches from the north to the west and thence Africa from the west to the south. Interestingly, Isidore was the first writer to clearly define the Mediterranean by that proper name. It contains many provinces and districts whose names and geographical situations I will briefly describe, beginning from Paradise . This obvious Biblical note coming so early in the topographical section of the treatise might lead the reader to expect its continuance in subsequent chapters; but apart from one or two entirely understandable references to Biblical lore - Scythia and Gothia also are said to have been named by Magog, son of Japhet and the River Ganges which sacred scripture calls Phison, flows down from Paradise to the realms of India - only the most sparing use of this source is made. In the extreme east of Asia the country of Seres is rich in fine leaves, from which are cut fleeces which the natives who decline the merchandise of other peoples sell for use as garments .
Europe, in the true classical fashion, is divided from Asia by the river Tanais [todaya€™s Don] and is bordered on the north by the Northern Ocean. Moreover beyond [these] three parts of the world, on the other side of the ocean, is a fourth inland part in the south, which is unknown to us because of the heat of the sun, within the bounds of which the Antipodes are fabulously said to dwell. This concession by Isidore as expressed in the brief quote above indicated that he more than half believed in the sphericity of the earth and quite fully in the doctrine of the Antipodes.
As far as his own graphic expression of the worlda€™s geography, one of the map designs frequently associated with Isidore of Seville is actually a survival of the ancient Greek tripartite division of the world into Asia, Africa and Europe, surrounded by the Ocean Sea. The T within the O produced a world image divided into half (by the cross of the T) and two quarters. Regardless of experience and all knowledge to the contrary, the most important city regionally was located in the center of the habitable world. In addition to the usual tripartite circular map of the world, some manuscripts of the Etymologiarum feature other map designs as well. Caius Crispus Sallustius, generally known as Sallust (86-34 BCE) was a Roman senator and historian, who subsequent to his falling out with the Caesar, was sent to Africa as a governor of Numidia (In the north-west of Africa}. He produced his most important works on the conspiracy of Catiline and the war of Rome with Jugurtha.
The Medes and Armenians connected them selves with the Libyans who dwelled near the African sea, while the Getulians lay more to the sun, not far from the torrid heats; and these soon built themselves towns, as, being separated from Spain only by a strait, they proceeded to open an intercourse with its inhabitants. Some copies of Sallusts manuscripts, which have reached us, do also include a simple T-O map, which relates to his narrative of the Jugurthine War.
As mentioned above, Sallusta€™s works were copied and re-copied and were in use until the late medieval period and many of the later copies of his manuscripts have reached us. Sallust mappamundi, ninth century, a€?University of Leipzig Library, Leipzig, Germany, MS 1607, f. Since Sallust was the governor of Numidia, he has naturally paid more attention to the details of this continent. In the bodies of water dividing the world into the three continents, the Mediterranean bears no legend.
Another variation of the basic Isidorean design was called the Byzantine-Oxford, or B-O T-O maps. More prominently than in any other example of the biblical school, the Holy Land dominates the center of the map. The map was brought back to England or Ireland after the First Crusade, which conquered Jerusalem in 1099. Christian scholars adopted the T-O map for its simplicity, as had the classical writers who first employed it. These T-O maps, whether actually contained in the Etymologiarum of Isidore, in later editions of the same, as modified derivatives thereof (Sallusts, B-O T-O), or as maps that were merely influenced by the basic design format (Hereford, Ebstorf, et.
At the Benedictine monastery of Thorney in East Anglia, a large and elegant computus book was finished in 1110, designed to be an ornament of the newly completed church. The continents are arranged with Asia at the top, Europe apparently in the center and Africa in the southwest corner.
Like the map within the rota of sunrises and sunsets, this is a T-O map with Asia in the top half, and Europe and Africa in the lower half. In form, content and function, MS 17a€™s map represents a recent development in medieval cartography.
On the other hand, this mappamundi is also closely connected in content and context to Byrhtfertha€™s Diagram on fol. But there is also a particularly insular connection between computus and universal geography, one that is connected to the debates over the correct system of calculating Easter that marked the early years of Christianity in England.
Schematic maps of the oikumene of the T-O type are often embedded in computus diagrams as a shorthand representation of the earth; zone maps illustrating the climates of the earth, derived from Macrobiusa€™ Commentum in Somnium Scipionis (#201), appear in anthologies of cosmographic materials as illustrations of passages from Isidore (cf. In about 1446-1451 Jean Mansel composed a universal history titled La fleur des histoires, and then in the 1460s wrote a longer version of the same work. The map is placed at the start of the prologue to Book IV, in which a description of the regions of the world is given in alphabetical order.
The name gorgato recalls the medieval Latin gargata and Old French gargate, meaning a€?throat,a€? perhaps alluding to the creaturea€™s voracious nature, but these monsters seem to have been invented by the cartographer. The T-O map tradition did not die out as a cartographic form of expression until as late as the 17th century, as may be seen from a book such as the Variae Orbis Universi, by Petrus Bertius, 1628. The Matenadaran archive collection in Yerevan, capital of Armenia, contains some 14,000 manuscripts from the golden age of Armenian literature, beginning in the 5th century, and from later periods. One exception to the general lack of maps in the Yerevan archives is MS 1242, a collection of eighteen unrelated essays on religious, moral, mathematical and astronomical subjects dating mainly from the 13th to the 15th centuries.
The map on folio 132r can be described as of the T - O type, but its construction has been modified. Also as in many maps of the T-O genre, the centre is occupied by the Holy City of Jerusalem, which is shown with its six gates, each inscribed with its name in Armenian. In both shape and arrangement, the city sign is akin to that on the Hereford mapparnundi, c.1290 (#226), although it lacks the enclosing crenulated walls of the Hereford map sign.
As shown in the following Table, in addition to Jerusalem, twenty-seven place- names are found on the map. The inscription to the left of the stem of the T, below the triangle formed by three dots, reads, Ays koghms Eropa [This side is Europe]. The Red Sea [Karmir] dzov; only the word sea is legible on the map) is shown as a bold open circle on the borders of Africa and Asia.
The division between Europe and Asia, normally marked with the horizontal crossbar of the T, here is demarcated with a single red line and is more complex. In keeping with T-O maps in general, the greater part of the Armenian map is allocated to Asia, inscribed Ays koghms Asia [This side is Asia]. In the east, in the upper part of the map close to the Ocean are the names Khaytai [China] and Zaytun [Zaytun], another Chinese trading port city. The presence of these toponyms in the area between Europe and China bears witness to the importance of these towns and provinces in trade and commerce between East and West and is perhaps indicative of the period of the mapa€™s creation. There is nothing, then, untoward in the inclusion on the Armenian map of Sara (Sarai), a city founded only in the 1240s by Batu Khan, the grandson of Mongol leader Gangiz Khan, who took over the territory of southern Russia and its Turkic speaking peoples during the early 13th century. Khachaturian also proposed that based on palaeographic evidence, the map was made in the Cilician Kingdom of Armenia during the Crusades, unfortunately not specifying which Crusade. Caffa, the first town listed in the row of toponyms along the northeastern periphery of the map, was only a small Crimean seaside town until the 13th century. The presence of the name Caffa on the map is a strong indication that the map was made during the citya€™s heyday, namely in the 14th century. Since, in my view, the map has to postdate both the establishment of Sarai-Batu and Sarai-Berke (New Sarai, established 1257-1266) and the time when Caffa became an important conurbation, it cannot be dated to earlier than the third quarter of the 13th century. While the majority of T-O maps produced in the Christian West depict Armenia, Mount Ararat and Noaha€™s Ark, this Armenian mapmaker has chosen not to mention any of these Armenian features. In the end, the absence of reference on the Armenian map to Armenia itself or to any of its immediate neighbors, such as Persia and Assyria, is more puzzling.
The existence of this Armenian language T-O map, though, may be owed simply to the curiosity of an individual whose interest in Western maps and literature would have been a sufficient reason for him to create a map of his own in line with those of the Western mapmakers of the time, leaving us an Armenian map as remarkable for its uniqueness as for the hints it gives of the interconnections underlying the T-O maps and the mappaemundi of the West. This is a very late example of a T-O world map, probably made in Bruges in 1482 for King Edward IV, the founder of the old Royal Library. 205CT-O map from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, 10th century, 11.5 cm dia, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence, Plut. 205CCDiagram map from MS of Bedea€™s De natura rerum, Bede, 9th century, 24 cm square, Bayerische Staatsbibliotek, Munich, Clm 210, f. 205DD Isidore mappamundi, unknown, 11th century, 26 cm dia, Bayerische Staatsbibliotek, Munich, Clm 10058, f.
205ET-O map from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, Santarem s Atlas compose de mappemondes . 205GG Circular Plan of Jerusalem, unknown, 13th century, 26 cm diameter, British Library, Additional MS.
205HT-O Sallust map from Bellum Jugurthinum, unknown, 14th century, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice, Fond.
205HH Reverse T-O map from MS of Isidorea€™s De natura rerum, unknown, 12th century, 19 cm diameter, Cathedral Curch of Exeter, MS. 205JJT-O map from MS of Isidorea€™s De natura rerum, unknown, 9th century, 12.5 cm diameter, Burgerbibliothek, Bern, Codex 417, fol. 205LLSallust T-O map from De bello Jugurthino, West oriented, unknown, 6.8 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. 205MT-O map from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, 8th century, 22 X 29 cm, Vatican Library, MS Vat.
205MM Sallust T-O map with symmetrical rivers, unknown, 13th century, 10.5 cm diameter, Gonville and Caius College, MS.
205NSallust T-O map, unknown, 13th century, 10.5 cm diameter, Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge MS.
205OT-O Sallust map, unknown, 13th century, 4.3 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS Lat.
205QT-O map from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, 10th century, 11.5 cm diameter, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence, Plut. 205TT-O and -V maps from Isidore of Sevillea€™s Etymologiarum, unknown, 12th century, 7.2 cm diameter, BnF, Manuscrits (Latin 10293 fol. 205TTT-O world map by Chatillon, Gautier de Chatillon, 13th century, 7 cm diameter, Bodleian Library, MS Bod. 205V1Gauthier de Chatillon mappimundi, Alexandreis, Gauthier de Chatillon, 13th century, Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds Francais 11334, fol. 205WY-O map from Macrobiusa€™ Commentarium in somnium Scipionis, unknown, 12th century, 8.7 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS. 205YT-O map from MS of Commentary on the Apocalypse of Saint John (Beatus), unknown, 11th century, 4.7 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS.
205ZT-O map from MS of Bedea€™s De natura rerum, Bede, 12th century, 8.1 cm diameter, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS.
DESCRIPTION: The Cotton Tiberius is the richly illuminated 11th century manuscript in the Cotton collection of the British Library and contains one of the oldest and most excellent world maps. In its presentation of the world as a whole, this map adopts a roughly square form measuring 21x17 cm, and in this one respect it recalls some of the less desirable aspects of examples of the Beatus Ashburnham derivative Book IIA, #207). The marvels promised by the inscription above the poem are represented on the map by the Cinocephales (dog-heads), the gens Griphorum (a conflation of griffins and people), Gog and Magog, the burning mountain and the mountain of gold, the last two located in remote corners of Asia. In geographical content, it does follow the medieval European convention of orientation with East at the top and somewhat centered on Jerusalem.
Of purely inland geography, unconnected with the coast, there is not much in the European region of this map: the Huns, Dalmatia, Dardania, Histria, and Tracia, all circling around Pannonia. However, this is apparently the first map to add to the knowledge of Ptolemy with regards to northwestern Europe. Greece the name Macedonia seems to be written over Morea; Athens and Attica are widely separated.
It is sometimes claimed that the association of Armenia with Mount Ararat and Noaha€™s Ark appeared on maps only after the First Crusade.
In the map mountains are shown green; red is used for the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, as well as the Nile and some other rivers. This is one of the few medieval maps that shows divisions of provinces and countries, indicated by straight lines, though the general T-O shape is still preserved by the dominant body of the Mediterranean, here filled with a multitude of islands, complemented by the Nilus in Africa and Tanais [Don] at the center left of the map, with its source in the green mountain. In Asia there is much more inland geography, chiefly connected with the Twelve Tribes and Biblical history. A lost Roman province map may have been the source of the divisions so clearly marked in Asia Minor, in Central and Southeastern Europe, and in North Africa. There are several names and features which show striking independence of any other known map authority of the earlier Middle Ages. The comparative excellence of the Cottoniana is perhaps due to its being the production of an Irish scholar-monk living in the household of the learned and traveled Archbishop Sigeric of Canterbury (992-994), with whose Itinerary, from Rome to the English Channel, the present design has several curious resemblances. Considering the 11th century Anglo-Saxon mappamundi, the oldest such English map surviving, as a form of a virtual world more analogous to a digital environment than physical geography can reveal much about this famous mapa€™s cultural mechanics and meaning. In past discussions, the cultures of medieval worlds such as Anglo-Saxon England have been understood to lack the veneer of ideological unity that comes with later examples of more modern and overtly ratiocinated expressions of national identity. The Cotton Map certainly appears to fulfill Gellnera€™s formula: it contains, on the whole, a rather fractured and jumbled version of the known world, crossed by lines and marked by inscriptions drawn from a skein of classical, Christian, legendary and local traditions of cartography, and, on the face of it, refuses a€?a single continuous, logical spacea€™. However, the Cottoniana map also encodes a certain cultural unease with this represented and sacral order, a discomfort revealed by how the mapa€™s virtual nature allows what is edge and what is center to fluctuate over its surface, and how this fluctuation articulates an Anglo-Saxon challenge to its homelanda€™s traditional place in the geographical order of the world. In addition, Melaa€™s use of finibus for a€?landa€™ may also contain a further joke at the expense of Britaina€™s remoteness; finis commonly carries connotations of limits, ends or borders.
Three hundred years later, the Roman historian Solinus repeats this sentiment, noting that for all practical purposes, the coastline of Gaul stood as the edge of the known world, while Britain represented a land beyond the periphery a€“ paene orbis alterius [a€?almost an other worlda€™].
As Nicholas Howe has recently argued, native writersa€™ positioning Brittania in the north-west demonstrates the historical influence of the Roman vantage point, but, in the shift from imperial Rome to medieval Rome, this distantiated perspective assumes Christian as well as geographical significance. The Cotton Map makes a sure statement of the Anglo-Saxon geo-historical paradox: a major part of Anglo-Saxon identity is particularly rooted in Christian authority, whether shaped by fears of pagan conquest or a desire to prove ethnic superiority by converting others, but this ideology historically has in turn viewed England, literally, as the edge of nowhere.
From a literary, if not literal standpoint, then, the Cottoniana map remains centered on its inheritance of Roman geography.
Again, one of the most striking features of the Cottoniana map is that, unlike most other mappaemundi, its shape is rectangular rather than round. Fitting the world to the world of the page also allows the mapmaker more space in the lower left-hand corner to depict a€?the angle of Englanda€™; as Howe has demonstrated, the doubled meaning of a€?anglea€™ and a€?Anglea€™ was not unknown in contemporary descriptions of Anglo-Saxon England. Not surprisingly, the British Isles are rather well represented in the map a€“ the one cartographic detail that has occasioned critical comment in the past.
Less discussed, however, is the mapa€™s use of water to relate England to the rest of the world. Since the center of the Cottoniana mapa€™s world presents the general impression of empty space, rather than of a loci medii, the center of Europe likewise appears largely vacant, prompting Patrick McGurk to hazard that the confused jumble of regions and tribes thrown into Central Europe represents the attempt to break up a€?the largest blank area in the mapa€™.
In classical and early medieval definitions of Britannia, the territory was long defined as a cosmographic and cultural a€?othera€? to continental lands.
What remains most startling about the mapa€™s treatment of Europe, though, is the sole inscription allowed to border England, sudbryttas, presumably meant to represent Brittany. Rejecting classical Otherness, the map denies the geography of the pre- and early Anglo-Saxon literary history that was invested with what Homi Bhabha has termed a€?colonial mimicrya€™ a€“ the desire of the colonized to present itself as a€?a reformed, recognizable othera€™. The Scandinavian elements of the Cottoniana map are not surprising, of course, given the sustained presence and development of Anglo-Scandinavian culture in the second half of Anglo-Saxon Englanda€™s history.
Such classical revisionism is an arguable reading, of course, but like the Cottoniana map, the interpolations in the Old English Orosius also present a cultural perspective that centers Anglo-Saxon England, and offers up other regions to be marginalized in its place. In addition, though these pagan insertions do qualify the original intent of Orosius, Stephen Harris has argued that other Old English alterations to Orosiusa€™ history do not refute Christianity, but rather present a€?a sense of Germanic community [that] shapes the Latin into an Old English story of the origins of Christendoma€™.
The Old English Orosius, in effect, de-centers Rome from a distinctly Roman history of the world. In the 11th century a€?real timea€™ of the Cottoniana map, the imperial glory of Rome is no more real than that of Babylon. The Cottoniana map has not been dated more surely than the first half of the 11th century, and possibly may be even slightly later; see McGurk and Dumville, pp. The 'Anglo-Saxon world map' contains the earliest known, relatively realistic depiction of the British Isles. Foys, M., a€?The Virtual Reality of the Anglo-Saxon Mappamundia€?, Literature Compass 1, 2003. In geographical content, it does follow the medieval European convention of orientation with East at the top and somewhat centered on Jerusalem.A  The bulbous projection of land on the coast, north of Jerusalem, is perhaps meant for Carmel. To the extent that it is based on the portolan [nautical] chart tradition, there are rhumb-lines (thirty-two out of each of sixteen centers) and two unlabeled scales; also the map features shields and flags over Europe and kings in tents elsewhere. The language of the fifty-two legends, apart from the one in Latin on the Canaries, is Catalan. The oldest of the portolan charts to survive are of Italian origin, made at Genoa and Pisa; those dating from the latter half of the 14th century are mainly Catalan.
Scarcely less valuable and certainly more interesting for the student of geographical theory, are the Catalan speculations concerning the unexplored territories of the earth. However, on one matter the mapmaker could hardly refrain from speculating, for this reason: land exploration had for a long time now outrun oceanic discovery, and so, concerning Africa, for example, much more was known of the Sudan by the end of the 14th century than was known of the oceanic fringe in the same latitudes.
The shape of Africa on this map is unique, and it is much enlarged in relation to Europe and Asia.
That the great western gulf reflects some knowledge of the Gulf of Guinea is more probable. Some surprise has been expressed that a map of 1450 should contain relatively up-to-date details coupled with antiquated ideas in other areas, and this has produced some rather involved explanations. The merit of the Catalan cartographers lay in the skill with which they employed the best contemporary sources to modify the traditional world picture, rarely proceeding further than the evidence warranted.
In the case of the Catalan-Estense map, whose date was earlier conjectured to be 14th century, the determining area would appear to be the west coast of Africa.
Further south, no discoveries are evident in the Gulf of Guinea later than a friara€™s journey, ca.
A prominent feature of this map is the very long extension of the Gulf of Guinea eastwards, linked apparently by a river to the Indian Ocean, which is given a gulf south of the Horn of Africa. Africa contains half a dozen reigning monarchs, from Musamelli to Prester John, sitting in splendor in their royal tents. The course of the Atlas Mountains is very similar to that on the Catalan Atlas of 1375, even including a curved northern prong in the central area. With the development of Portuguese seafaring in the 15th century and the subsequent widening if the southern horizon, the a€?harmonizinga€™ problem became increasingly acute. The circular Catalan-Estense map, measuring 113 cm in diameter, is very colorful with a large number of princes shown throughout Africa (where Prester John has been placed), 52 legends, castellated towns for major settlements, loxodromes, ships, mermaids, domesticated reindeer and horses. The northern portions of Asia and Europe on the Estense map, which lay outside the limits of the Catalan Atlas, significantly, contain very little detail.
Recollections of medieval maps include the Earthly Paradise with Adam and Eve and the tree, here not in Mesopotamia but in Abyssinia, between the eastern branch of the Nile and the Red Sea, at a spring from which the four medieval rivers of Paradise flow.
In the hinterland of Asia the most prominent feature is the Caspian Sea, orientated northwest-southeast as in the Topkapu Siray fragment, but similar in shape to Ptolemya€™s. The account of China is also derived from Marco Polo, who mentions charts and gives occasional bearings, and from whose voyages the map that existed in 1459 in the Palace of the Doges, Venice, was drawn. To the generally good delineation of European coasts there are exceptions, especially in more northern areas. In the 14th century the Catalonia-Valencia-Majorca region was a flourishing center of trade and culture where Arab and Jewish elements blended with Christian culture. The far north in Europe and Asia is more frightening than Africa, showing a naked giant pursuing a fox, a nine-headed idol being adored by two worshippers, and a strange hanging head, which appears on several other 15th century world maps.
The entire map has been shifted to the east in its circular frame, thus making more room in the Atlantic for its islands. The combination of archaism and modernism is an outstanding characteristic of this map, and it is interesting to note that the cultured and humanistic Duke of Ferrara, Ercole da€™Este, the owner of this map, also had in his library a copy of Ptolemya€™s Geography, edited by Nicholas Germanus.
According to Chet Van Duzer, a legend that says that there are three types of sirens in the Indian Ocean on the Catalan Estense mappamundi. Destombes, M., a€?Fragments of two Medieval world maps at the Topkapu Saray Library,a€? Imago Mundi 12 (1955), pp. Stevenson, Edward Luther, Marine chart of Nicolo de Canerio Januensis, 1502 (circa) (New York: American Geographical Society and Hispanic Society of America, 1908).
Andrews, Michael Corbet, a€?The boundary between England and Scotland in the portolan charts,a€? Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, Edinburgh, ser. Andrews, Michael Corbet, a€?The British Isles in the nautical charts of the XIVth and XVth centuries,a€? The Geographical Journal, London, LXVIII (1926), pp.
Crone, Gerald Roe, Maps and their makers, an introduction to the history of cartography (London: Hutchinsona€™s University Library, 1953), pp. Destombes, Marcel, a€?Fragments of two medieval world maps at the Top Kapu Saray Library,a€? Imago Mundi, XII (1955), p.
Taylor, Eva Germaine Remington, a€?Pactolus, river of gold,a€? Scottish Geographical Magazine, Edinburgh, pp, 129-144.
Uzielli, Gustavo and Amat di Filippo, Pietro, Mappamondi, cartenautiche, portolani ed altre monumenti cartografici specialmente italiani dei secoli XIII-XVII, 2nd ed. Winter, Heinrich, a€?The changing face of Scandinavia and the Baltic in cartography up to 1522,a€? Imago Mundi, XII (1955), p. Located near the territory of Prester John between Nubia and the city of Arin [Civitasarim], the latter prominently marked and centrally placed in the Horn of Africa, not far from the Indian Ocean in which six islands of various sixes and colors are depicted. The circular Catalan-Estense map, measuring 113 cm in diameter, is very colorful with a large number of princes shown throughout Africa (where Prester John has been placed), 52 legends, castellated towns for major settlements, loxodromes, ships, mermaids, domesticated reindeer and horses.A A  Although almost a hundred years later, it is clearly related to the pivotal Catalan Atlas of 1375 (#235). Currently the Mayor of London, he previously served as the Member of Parliament for Henley-on-Thames and as editor of The Spectator magazine. Johnson was educated at the European School of Brussels, Ashdown House School, Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford, where he read Literae Humaniores. On his father's side Johnson is a great-grandson of Ali Kemal Bey, a liberal Turkish journalist and the interior minister in the government of Damat Ferid Pasha, Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire, who was murdered during the Turkish War of Independence.[5] During World War I, Boris's grandfather and great aunt were recognised as British subjects and took their grandmother's maiden name of Johnson.
Try as I might, I could not look at an overhead projection of a growth profit matrix, and stay conscious.
He wrote an autobiographical account of his experience of the 2001 election campaign Friends, Voters, Countrymen: Jottings on the Stump. Johnson is a popular historian and his first documentary series, The Dream of Rome, comparing the Roman Empire and the modern-day European Union, was broadcast in 2006.
After being elected mayor, he announced that he would be resuming his weekly column for The Daily Telegraph. After having been defeated in Clwyd South in the 1997 general election, Johnson was elected MP for Henley, succeeding Michael Heseltine, in the 2001 General Election. He was appointed Shadow Minister for Higher Education on 9 December 2005 by new Conservative Leader David Cameron, and resigned as editor of The Spectator soon afterwards.
A report in The Times[22] stated that Cameron regarded the possible affair as a private matter, and that Johnson would not lose his job over it. The Conservative Party hired Australian election strategist Lynton Crosby to run Johnson's campaign. Johnson pledged to introduce new Routemaster-derived buses to replace the city's fleet of articulated buses if elected Mayor. I believe Londoners should have a greater say on how their city is run, more information on how decisions are made and details on how City Hall money is spent. Ken Livingstone presides over a budget of more than ?10billion and demands ?311 per year from the average taxpaying household in London.
Under my Mayoralty I am certain that London will be judged as a civilised place; a city that cares for and acknowledges its older citizens. The Mayor’s biggest area of responsibility is transport, and I intend to put the commuter first by introducing policies that will first and foremost make journeys faster and more reliable. He composed a Table of Reigns, a chronological list of Assyrian, Persian, Greek, and Roman sovereigns dating from Nabonasar to Antoninus Pius, a biographical history of kingship. He was interested in the earth, all of it, not just the habitable part, and tried to fit it into a scheme of the universe where it belonged.
Marinus had given this matter considerable thought, rejecting all previously devised methods of obtaining congruity on a flat map; yet, according to Ptolemy he had finally selected the least satisfactory method of solving the problem. There is also an introduction to data collection, evaluation, preparations for drawing, how and in what order to mark boundaries, and how to use the appended tables. When traveling overland it is usually necessary to diverge from a straight line course in order to avoid inevitable land-barriers; and at sea, where winds are changeable, the speed of a vessel varies considerably, making it difficult to estimate over-water distances with any degree of accuracy. The Indian Ocean, which is assumed to be bordered on the south by an unknown continent, uniting southern Africa with eastern Asia, is stated to be the largest sea surrounded by land.
It is these legends which, in some editions, have been placed on the reverse of the maps, and they appear to have been originally intended for that purpose. In Chapter Two Ptolemy said, a€?It remains for us to show how we set down all places, so that when we divide one map into several maps we may be able to accurately locate all of the well-known places through the employment of easily understood and exact measurements.a€? On the other hand, some scholars even go so far as to say that maps were already drawn before certain portions of the text was addressed, so that they could be used as models for the completion of other portions of the text. For instance, in a single map embracing the entire earth, he said, there is a tendency to sacrifice proportion, that is, scale, in order to get everything on the map. If several regional maps are made to supplement the general world map, they need not a€?measure the same distance between the circlesa€?, that is, be drawn to the same scale, provided the correct relation between distance and direction is preserved. It demonstrates how Ptolemya€™s world had been systematically divided into twenty-six regions, each of which is mapped on a separate sheet. The reason for this doubt lies in the question of authorship of the maps which accompany extant copies. According to map historian Leo Bagrow, one version, A, contains twenty-six large maps included in the eighth Book of the text, each folded in half and, on the back, having a statement of the region portrayed, its bounds and a list of principle towns. In some manuscripts of the B-version, and in those without maps, the texts from the backs of the maps are combined together in a special edition, divided into chapters numbered 3-28.
Of the Greek manuscripts of the Geographia, as a whole or in part, known today, eleven of the A-version and five of the B-version have maps. The meridians are spaced from each other a€?the third part of an equinoctial hour, that is, through five of the divisions marked on the equatora€?. In Ptolemya€™s time, the latitude, or distance from the equator, was generally astronomically calculated from the length of the longest and the shortest day. The numbers on the right of the Clima give the number of hours in the longest day at different latitudes, increasing from 12 hours at the equator to 24 hours at the Arctic Circle. The a€?breadtha€? of the habitable world according to Ptolemy then equates to 39,500 stades [3,950 miles].
The earth was only 18,000 miles around at the equator; Poseidonius had stated it, Strabo substantiated it, and Ptolemy perpetuated it on his maps.
Of these, the Indicum Mare [Indian Ocean] is the largest, Our Sea [the Mediterranean] is the next and the Hyrcanian [Caspian] is the smallest.
This parallel also passed through Taprobane usually considered the southernmost part of Asia. As to the source of the Nile, both Greeks and Romans had tried to locate it, but without success. Ptolemy extended the west coast of Africa with a free hand, and even though he reduced the bulge made by Marinus more than half, it was still way out of control. He shows, for the first time, a fairly clear idea of the great north-south dividing range of mountains of Central Asia, which he called Imaus, but he placed it nearly 40A° too far east and made it divide Scythia into two parts: Scythia Intra Imaum and Scythia Extra Imaum Montem [Within Imaus and Beyond Imaus]. His Mediterranean is about 20A° too long, and even after correcting his lineal value of a degree it was still about 500 geographical miles too long.
Ptolemy was also the first geographer, excepting Alexander the Great, to return to the correct view advanced by Herodotus and Aristotle, that the Caspian was an inland sea without communication with the ocean (the Christian medieval cartographers were a long time in returning to this representation of the Caspian).
Its wealth of detail still constitutes one of the most important sources of information for the historian and student of ancient geography. Many of the legends and conventional signs that he used are still employed by cartographers with only slight modifications. Ptolemya€™s works were, however, thriving and contributing valuable insight to knowledgeable Arabs and those having access and understanding of the Arab or Greek language (it was only in the Islamic states and in these languages that the works of the Alexandrian scientist were preserved (see monographs #212, #213, #214-17, lbn Said, al-lstakhri, Ibn Hauqal, al-Kashgari, etc.
Very few scholars, let alone other literate persons in Western Europe were familiar with the Greek language at this time, therefore this translation was a great stimulus to a€?popularizinga€? Ptolemy. Curiously enough it was first printed at Vincenza in 1475 (the date printed of 1462 is in error) without maps!
From this it is quite evident that the two parts, Europe and Africa, occupy half of the world and that Asia alone occupies the other half. Proceeding to a systematic description of the countries of the world, of Asia Isidore says that it is bounded in the east by Lake Maeotis [Sea of Azov] and the river Tanais [the river Don].
Other maps give definite localities for the Twelve Tribes of Israel and the abiding places of the Twelve Apostles. The most closely related or influenced maps of the T-Oa€™s are those that accompany manuscripts of Sallusta€™s works and may have originally been drawn to illustrate a passage from Sallusta€™s De bello Jugurthino which, like Isidorea€™s treatise, also attempted to briefly describe the countries of the world. Both accounts appear bound in one manuscript that was copied and used as a textbook of history for almost a millennium. The sea is boisterous, and deficient in harbors; the soil is fertile in corn, and good for pasturage, but unproductive of trees.
The name of Medes the Libyans gradually corrupted changing It in their barbarous tongue, into Moors. Many copies of this map mention the name of Armenians in North Africa, along with the names of the Medes and the Persians These were probably the forbearers of the first T-O maps, as we know them today. Some of these include basic T-O maps, which show the continents, including the names of some countries and peoples. The copy dates from the ninth or tenth century and is drawn on vellum and taken from a Sallust manuscript now in the University of Leipzig in Germany. In the area of Europe there are no legends, only the city of Roma is represented with a vignette of a castle and its name, attesting to the importance of the power of Rome in the Empire. Affrica contains 24 legends, which include cities of Harran, Cartage [Cartage] plus four other cities.
The left arm of the T is inscribed Tanais, but the right arm, which should have borne the name Nilus, is only connected to the Nile at the right extremity, where the Nilus is shown as a vertical line. There are 15 toponyms and the countries of Phoenicea, Carthago, Ethiopia, Numidia and mountains of Catabatmon are shown. This area is divided first into the lands of Judea, Galilee, and Palestine, and further by the names of seven of the Twelve Tribes. One of the most interesting features of this map is its highly abstract form: it is mostly comprised of straight lines with only a few concessions to irregular geographical forms. Most puzzling is that the label for Europe crosses what would normally be the Mediterranean. The division of the earth among the sons of Noah, Noaha€™s ark, seven of the twelve tribal territories of the land of Israel, Jericho and the city of refuge (Joshua 20) for those guilty of involuntary manslaughter under Hebrew law, all come from Jewish history.
These divisions are treated rather casually, however, for the label EVROPA straddles the boundary between Europe and Africa; locations in the Holy Land are indifferently assigned to Asia and Africa, and Athens and Achaia are placed in Asia. Running horizontally across the middle of the map, and dividing Asia from Africa and Europe, is a band labeled HIERVSALEM. Europe in principle occupies the left hand side of the lower half of the map, but the label EVROPA actually straddles the vertical divider. Great Britain, Ireland and Thule are represented at or over the edge of the orbis and in the northern rather than western quadrant. The prominence given to Jerusalem, together with the double representation of the Cross (once on its own, and once on Mount Zion), is a case in point. Evelyn Edson, on the other hand, argues that MS 17a€™s mappamundi is one of a small group of complex maps directly inspired by computus themes. A famous and often reproduced world map in a manuscript of the short version of Mansela€™s book, which was probably made by Simom Marmion in about 1460, illustrates the division of the world among the three sons of Noah. Mansela€™s description includes ancient places such as Carthage and Delos, biblical places such as Babylon and Judaea, and lands of contemporary importance such as Westphalia and Gascony. Of course that is the easy conclusion, but it is rendered very plausible if we look at the names of some of the islands in the circumfluent oceana€”golgavatas terra, lapides presiosa (for lapides pretiosi, a€?precious stonesa€?), habundans terra, illa deserta, tamaria, alphaua terra, and illa arcana, for examplea€”which are quite clearly invented. It immediately precedes the prologue to Book IV, which includes a regional description of the world in alphabetical order. Among these manuscripts are many illustrated works on astrology and astronomy as well as some on geography, but virtually nothing contains a map. The circular legend around the city reads The city of Jerusalem populated in ancient and recent times by the Israelites [the Armenian phrase reads Bnakui hin yev nor avrinatz qaghaq I[sra] letzotz vor e Yerusaghem]. It also resembles the plan of Jerusalem in another Armenian manuscript in the Matenadaran, the much later MS 1770 which dates from 1589. This is shown by the pair of vertical red lines that descend from Jerusalem in the center to the outer Ocean and represent the Mediterranean, which is identified only by the word Sea.
Between the inscription and the Mediterranean, that is in western Africa, is a small circle which, being inland, can only denote a lake. It is outlined in black, colored solidly in red and interrupted as if to indicate the traditional crossing of the Israelites as they fled from Egypt. Two black lines, drawn at right angles to each other and to the red lines of the continental division and the Mediterranean, indicate the Aegean and Black Seas.


In the north, following the curve of the encircling Ocean, and on the borders of Europe and Asia, is written Rusq [Russia].
Zaytun was the Arabic name given to the port of Quanzhou or Tseu-Tung in the province of Fujian, China. It may also be that this is the earliest Christian map on which the toponyms Caffa, Azov, Sarai, Zaytun and Khansai are found. The geographer Mkrdich Khachaturiana€™s suggestion that the map dates from 1206 is unlikely to be correct. The Flemish Franciscan William de Rubruck (1220-1293), who in 1253 travelled to the region, stated that [Sarah] Batu was one of the most important cities of the region. It is hardly possible to date a manuscript precisely based on palaeography alone, and, furthermore, the script used on the map is similar to that in a manuscript produced in Caffa in 1445 (Matenadaran, MS 8963), which is another collection of astrological and scientific subjects, with diagrams and calendars. Only after Genoese merchants had leased it from the Mongols, was it transformed into a flourishing commercial centre, trading with the East and rivaling the Venetian- controlled city of Tanais on the Sea of Azov. Such a date would fit the suggestion that the Armenian mapmaker, who was most likely to have been a monk, either saw or was told about contemporary Italian T-O maps in Caffa, a city not only administered by the Genoese, but also to all intents and purposes functioning as an Italian city, and one of the most suitably located Armenian communities for intellectual as well as commercial contact with the West.
Hovhannes Hovhannisian, the other Armenian geographer who has studied the map, argues that the presence of the commercial centers of Khorazm [Oxiana] and Sarai are indicative of the period when the Mongols had close connections with Khorazm (that is, from the 1240s to the 1360s), and this explains the rationale behind his dating the map to as late as 1360. Other biblical events and places are shown on the map, however: Jerusalem, the giving of the Tablets of the Law to Moses, Mount Sinai and the Red Sea. While the Hereford mappamundi, c.1290 (#226) and the Sawley map, 1180 (#215) each show a monastic establishment, the references to these have been placed on the banks of the Nile.
It can plausibly be deduced, that the author was familiar with Central Asia since current trends in commercial and political relations are well represented by the depiction of the Silk Road cities and major trading centers such as Baghdad, Damascus, Constantinople and Venice. A sumptuous example of Flemish illumination illustrating an encyclopedic work, it embodies the spirit of medieval civilization. Called the Cottoniana or Anglo-Saxon map, it dates from 995-1050, just before the Norman Conquest, and does not appear to belong to any one of the identifiable a€?familiesa€? of medieval maps, as described by M.C.
However, though of small size, it is one of the most unique of all medieval world-pictures.
At the top left, behind the Lion we see the Taurus Montes, where the Tigris and Euphrates have their sources. One reads Mons Albanorum [Albanian Mountains, possibly the Caucasus] and the other is regio Colchorum, the region of Colchis, located northeast of the Black Sea.
As not merely a measurement, but as a creation of the world known to Anglo-Saxon England, this mappamundi charts a number of struggles between the two realities of Englanda€™s marginal locus in the historical record of the known physical world, and of the Anglo-Saxon impulse to re-center the world on their own island.
Ernest Gellner, for instance, uses explicitly spatial figures to describe such conflicting realities; for Gellner, a€?pre-modern and pre-rationala€™ visions of the world lack a€?a single continuous logical spacea€™, and instead consist of a€?multiple, not properly united, but hierarchically related sub-worldsa€™, and a€?special privileged facts, sacralized and exempt from ordinary treatmenta€™.
Anglo-Saxon writers inherited a long historical tradition of Britaina€™s peripheral status as a remote corner of the world. The people of Britain, therefore, were rich only in livestock and their own place on the margins.
Such views continue through early medieval writers such as Isidore, and early native writers remained substantially invested in such views of their home. In Gildas, one finds a striking example of spiritual calibration, as the historian initially refers to the island as divina statera [in the divine scales] and then describes the conversion of Brittania as the suna€™s warming of glaciali frigore rigenti insulae et velut longiore terrarum secessu soli visibili non proximae [an island frozen with lifeless ice and quite remote from the visible sun a€“ recessed from the world].
At least on the surface, English cosmography does not, in the words of one commentator, a€?develop strategies for recuperating auctoritasa€™ until well into the 13th century.
However, it is not uncommon for critics to assume that, as a mappamundi, the map also theo-graphically depicts Jerusalem as its physical center. Church writers long agreed that the earth was spherical, but also had a tough job reconciling the circular form of the earth and the scriptural concept of the worlda€™s four corners.
Cornering the world, though, also adds space that the Anglo-Saxon artist did not know quite how to accommodate. The coastline and shape of the islands are pretty particular for the time; they contain icons of three named cities (London, Winchester and Armagh), and a number of delineated regions, including named regions for Ireland (Hibernia) and Scotland (Camri). In keeping with classical convention, the map circumscribes the earth with a grey wash of ocean that in effect presents a third frame inside the double-lined border and then the manuscript page. In Europe, notably, major cities appear only on its periphery: Constantinople in the east, and Rome and a number of other Italian cities in the south.
In his Etymologies, Isidore of Seville, in language closely matching Orosius, explains that Britain is an island within sight of Spain, but literally opposite Gaul: Brittania Oceani insula .
The very form of the inscription reveals much about the Anglo-Saxon attitudes behind it; sudbryttas contains a unique use of the Anglo-Saxon a€?A?a€?, one of the only distinctively Old English characters in the text of the map. Instead, the version of the Anglo-Saxon world celebrates the origin of Anglo-Saxon culture, and in turn highlights northern, not southern continental connections. Accordingly, these elements compare to substantially older examples of Anglo-Saxon literature.
Harrisa€™ chief example of this reshaping, namely how the Old English version substantively alters the Goth sacking of Rome, holds particular interest with regard to the discussion of the Cottoniana map.
In a similar manner, the Cottoniana map shifts the focus away from two traditional centers of the spiritual and geographic worlds on whose margins Anglo-Saxon England existed.
As a virtual world, its temporal aspects are no more rooted in the primary world than are its spatial aspects. It was created, probably at Canterbury, between 1025 and 1050 but is probably ultimately based on a model dating from Roman times. Nevertheless the British Isles (bottom left) are immediately recognizable and the Orkneys, the Scillies, the Channel Islands and the isles of Man and of Wight are shown. Edson, a€?The oldest world maps: classical sources of three VIIIth century mappaemundia€?, The Ancient World, 24, 1993, pp.
Unlike many medieval scholars the draftsmen of Majorca showed a praiseworthy restraint in this respect. The earlier draftsmen insisted upon cutting the continent short just beyond the limit of coastal knowledge, that is, in the vicinity of Cape Bojador.
Below the Gulf of Guinea, which nearly cuts the continent in two, is a large crescent-shaped appendage extending to the east and forming a southern shore for the Indian Ocean. The continent ends in a great arc, conforming to the circular frame of the map, and extending eastwards to form the southern boundary of the Indian Ocean. The design of the northern half of the continent in general resembles that of the other Catalan charts, but the northwestern coast embodies some details of contemporary Portuguese voyages as far as C. Taking into consideration the lack of details and names in the southern regions of Africa, we may plausibly conjecture that, as an exception to the usual conservatism, the draftsman, in Africa at least, had removed all the detail for which he had no evidence, to obtain a framework on which to insert the latest Portuguese discoveries. In the same spirit they removed from the map most of the traditional fables which had been accepted for centuries, and preferred, for example, to omit the northern and southern regions entirely, or to leave southern Africa a blank rather than to fill it with the Anthropagi and other monsters which adorn so many medieval maps. The map names Cape Verde, which was discovered by Dias in 1444 and whose first recorded mapping is by Andrea Bianco in 1448 (#241). 1350, recorded in a book called Libro del conoscimiento de todos los reynos y tierras [Book of knowledge of all kingdoms and lands].
A waterway linking east and west Africa is reminiscent of the tradition going back to Crates of Mallos (168 BC, Book I, #113) and Macrobius (AD 400, Book II, #201), according to whom northern and southern Africa were separated near the equator by a body of water.
The mapmaker omits the usual array of monsters in Africa, and the only animal depicted is a camel with a rider, sedately proceeding along the caravan route to the sea. The continent widens out again enormously, and the peninsula presents a curved south coast roughly parallel to a surrounding sea. Kimble calls a€?harmonizinga€™ established facts with long-held a€?traditionsa€™; a practice which became very popular from the 14th century onwards. On the southern coastline of Asia there are some differences, generally slight, between the two maps. A legend of the Genoese world map of 1457 (#248) in the Central National Library of Florence (Port. Southern Asia, separated from Africa by a Red Sea colored red, has a flattened and too northerly coastline. This refers not to Sri Lanka which appears as Silan (so is not the Ptolemy Taprobane) but to Sumatra, called by the Genoese world map of 1457 Taprobane and Ciamutera and by Fra Mauro Siomatra or Taprobana.
The Catalan Atlas of 1375 is the earliest still surviving to incorporate material from Marco Poloa€™s text. Britain, as in many medieval maps, is shown split in two, or almost so, by a stretch of water, which may or may not reach the east coast between Scardenburgh [Scarborough] and Bernie [Berwick]. Countless maps by this cartographic school have survived, including the Estense world map featuring characteristics typical of portolans - rhumb lines, and flags and coats of arms to identify kingdoms and cities - but not obviously this map was made a€‹a€‹as a navigation aid. On the edge of the Gulf of Guinea, a river or strait connects the Atlantic and the Indian Oceans and an enormous land mass emerge to fill the base of the map. As mentioned above, Jerusalem is not in the center and has no city vignette; it is simply marked San Sepulera and located on the River Jordan. Circular in shape, with different religious and legendary motifs along with certain Arab influence, it retains the rigor of portolans. The three types of sirens are half-woman half-fish, half-woman half-bird, and half-woman half-horse, and all three types of sirens are depicted below. Heinrich, a€?Die katalanische Weltkarte der Biblioteca Estense zu Modena,a€? Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fA?r Erdkunde zu Berlin, Berlin, XXXII (1897), pp. Heinrich, a€?Die katalanische Weltkarte der Biblioteca Estense zu Modena,a€? Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fA?r Erdkunde zu Berlin, Berlin, XXXII (1897), no. This resemblance in the content of the two maps strengthens the contention that the latter was derived from a circular prototype. In reference to his cosmopolitan ancestry, Johnson has described himself as a "one-man melting pot" — with a combination of Muslims, Jews and Christians comprising his great-grandparentage.[6] His father's maternal grandmother, Marie Louise de Pfeffel, was a descendant of Prince Paul of Wurttemberg through his relationship with a German actress. They have two sons—Milo Arthur (born 1995) and Theodore Apollo (born 1999)—and two daughters—Lara Lettice (born 1993) and Cassia Peaches (born 1997).[13] Boris Johnson and his family currently live in Holloway, North London. In 1999 he became editor of The Spectator, where he stayed until December 2005 upon being appointed Shadow Minister for Higher Education. He is also author of three collections of journalism, Johnson's Column, Lend Me Your Ears and Have I Got Views For You.
On 2 April 2006 it was alleged in the News of the World that Johnson had had another extramarital affair, this time with Times Higher Education Supplement journalist Anna Fazackerley.
Yet Londoners have little confidence in the Mayor spending their money with care and prudence. It was here that David Cameron and all his supporters gathered to congratulate him on becoming Mayor of London. Little is known personally of this pivotal man aside from the general period during which he was active ca. His Analemma was mathematical description of a sphere projected on a plane, subsequently known as an a€?orthographic projection,a€? which greatly simplified the study of gnomonics.
He was also interested in the relationships between the earth and the sun, the earth and the moon, in scientific cause and effect of climate; and above all, he was concerned with a scientifically accurate portrayal of the spherical earth in a convenient readable form. These Byzantine copies of the Geographia are comprised of eight a€?Booksa€? which Ptolemy introduces by supplying two very influential definitions - that of chorography and geography. Marinus had laid out a grid of strait lines equidistant from one another for both his parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. Because while Ptolemy employs his conical projection in his first general world map, for the remaining twenty-six special regional maps he uses the rectangular projection of Marinus with due observance of the ratio between the longitude and latitude at the base of the map. Books II-VI and the first four chapters of Book VII are devoted to a complete catalogue of some 8,000 inhabited localities laid down in the twenty-six special maps of the geography.
Nevertheless Ptolemy concluded that the most reliable way of determining distances was by astronomical observation, and by no other method could one expect to fix positions accurately. In addition, a description of a projection of the inhabited hemisphere on a plane, by which it could retain its circular outline, or globular aspect is also given. The better known regions have many place-names, while the lesser known have few, and, unless the map is carefully drawn, it will have some crowded, illegible areas, and some where distances are unduly extended. Ptolemy repeated that it would be not too far from the truth if instead of circles we draw straight lines for meridians and parallels.
Generally these sheets are of about the same size, but the scales vary according to the space required for the legends. Did Ptolemy actually design and construct the maps himself, were they made by a draftsman working under his supervision, or were they added, perhaps as late as 1450, by an energetic editor who thought the text needed some graphic emendation?
The geographical coordinates of these towns are given, not in degrees, but in time; the longitude is expressed in hours and minutes corresponding to the distance from the meridian of Alexandria (one hour = 15 degrees, one minute = 15 minutes of a degree), and the latitude is expressed in terms of the length of the longest day, in hours and minutes (the greater the distance from the equator, the longer the day in summer). Some of the manuscripts without maps contain references to accompanying maps, since lost, and in others, spaces have been left for maps to be inserted. In other words, the total span of twelve hours, representing the length of the habitable world, was to be partitioned by a series of thirty-six meridians spaced five degrees apart at the equator and converging at the North Pole. The earth was accordingly divided into a number of zones, parallel to the equator and within which these days had a certain length, for instance of 12 -13, or 15 -16 hours.
Ptolemy a€?correcteda€? this length to 180A° (9,000 miles), still 50A° (2,500 miles) too long, an error arising from using the Fortunate Islands as his prime meridian which he placed about seven degrees (350 miles) too far to the east.
It is very unlikely, in view of the secrecy attached to all maps and surveys of the Roman Empire. This a€?shorter distancea€? that a mariner would have to travel west from the shores of Spain in order to reach the rich trading centers of Asia may have contributed to Columbusa€™ belief, or that of his royal sponsors, that they could compete with their rival neighbors, Portugal, in the newly opened sea-trade with India by sailing west. The Emperor Nero had sent an expedition into Upper Egypt, and it had penetrated as far as the White Nile, about 9A° N latitude. On the same approximate parallel he located the region called Agisymba, inhabited by Ethiopians and abounding in rhinoceri, supposedly discovered by Julius Maternus, a Roman general. A more obvious area to stretch the length of the world was in eastern Asia where there was every likelihood of additional territory yet unexplored. Asia and Africa are extended considerably to the east and south, far more so than on any previous maps, but not without cause. His Mare Nostrum, from Marseilles to the opposite point on the coast of Africa, is 11A° of latitude instead of the actual 6.5A°. This is especially true in the study of the earliest tribes that encompassed the Roman Empire in the first century of the Christian era, who were at that time barbarians, but who later bore the burden of civilization in Europe. He originated the practice of orienting maps so that North is at the top and East to the right, a custom so universal today that many people are lost when they try to read a map oriented any other way. Planudes constructed a map based upon the instructions found in Ptolemya€™s eight books and subsequently, through Athanasios, Patriarch of Alexandria, had a copy of the Geographia, with maps made for Emperor Andronicus III. He is also credited with the four-page world map found in some manuscripts, chiefly the B-version.
When Chrysoloras was unable to complete the translation, it was finished by one of his students, Jacobus Angelus of Scarparia, between 1406 and 1410. In all, seven editions were printed in the 15th century, of which six were provided with large maps in folio, and thirty-three in the following century (a selected list taken from Tooley accompanies this monograph). The former were made into two parts because the Great Sea (called the Mediterranean) enters from the Ocean between them and cuts them apart . His treatment of the habitable earth enables one to arrive fairly easily at the scope of his knowledge. During his mission there he was involved in various rebellions and conflicts with neighboring powers and has left accounts of his activities. In his Jugurthine War Sallust writes about Africa, describing its geographic location and climatic conditions, as well as its demography where he narrates how the Armenian mercenaries settled in North Africa and intermingling with the Libyan tribes, gave rise to the peoples that inhabit the region today. Since they are about the history of northern Africa, this particular area is shown in more detail. In Europe only the name of the continent and two countries of Italia and Hyspania are shown. Near the Nile the land is described as Exusta [parched], a reference to the southern parched areas.
Jerusalem was the focus of that Conquest for more than two centuries of Crusaders, and it would remain the center of attention on maps until the invention of printing and the publication of Ptolemy in the 1470s.
The whole is illustrated by instructive diagrams, including five world maps: two T-O centers of rotae, two zonal maps, and one larger, more detailed map. Another oddity is that Achaia, where St Andrew [preached] is in Southeast Asia, far from Athens, the preaching site of Paul. These are the usual numbers for the descendants of Shem and Ham, but the source of the numbers for Armenia and why this country is singled out are not clear. There is no attempt at cartographic realism: this is a diagram containing a list of places. ASIA MAIOR: glossed QVOD SVNT SEPTVAGINTA DVE GENTES ORTE, and beneath this De Sem gentes XXVI. In the Europe zone, reading from top to bottom and left to right are: Terra macedonum, Campania, Italia, ROMA, tiberis flumen, Tuscia, mons Ethna, sicilia, KARTAGO MAGNA. These independent maps tend to occupy the full width of the page, or the page in its entirety. Anna-Dorothea von den Brincken claims that this map is the first to position Jerusalem in the centre of the world, and not at its eastern extremity. A mappamundi with identical arrangement and legends appears in the Peterborough Computus (Harley 3667 fol. The British Isles and Ireland were little corners of the outer margins of the orbis terrarum, which further served to marginalize the deviant computus of the island churches. But the ADAM device, to say nothing of its proximity to Byrhtfertha€™s Diagram both in MS 17 and in the Peterborough computus, argue forcefully for its derivation from Byrhtferth or his milieu. In this category she includes oikumene maps, often quite large, such as the one in Vatican City BAV 6018 fols.
Another world map in a manuscript of the long version of the book, this one created c.1480, for this map contains large and prominent sea monsters in the circumfluent ocean.
His aim was to show how Rome developed from a small town to a global empire, almost every corner of which had been penetrated by Christianity before the empire passed to the Franks.
In fact none of the islands in the circumfluent ocean which are discussed by Mansela€”Grande-Bretagne, iles Fortunees, Gales, Irlande, Orcades, Escosse, Thanatos, Taprobane, Thule, and Islandea€”appears on this map. The oldest geographical work originates from as early as the fifth century and is titled in Armenian Ashkharhatzuytz or Mirror of the World.
The horizontal arms of the letter T (stretching north and south from Jerusalem at the centre) are not represented by the rivers Tanais (Don) and Nile, as in conventional T-O maps, but by single red lines ruled, it would seem, to demarcate Asia from Europe and from Africa. The considerable prominence given to Jerusalem can be explained by the fact that the Armenian Church had, and still has, close ties with the Holy City and is one of the four custodians of the Holy Places, with a church, seminary and religious order active since the 5th century. Outside the double-circle frame of the map are the names of the four cardinal directions Hyusis, Harav, Arevelq and Arevmutq, and the word Dzov [Sea] is written seven times. Further in from the Ocean two cities are named, Kostandnupolis [Constantinople] and Venejia [Venice].
Indeed, that is how it is identified, with the phrase Ays dzovis anunn Tuman [This Sea is named Tuman]. The legend that appears to refer to the Crossing of the Red Sea is worn and partly illegible. A gap in the horizontal line for the Aegean, filled with the name Kostandnupolis [Constantinople], seems to imply that the line also represents the Dardanelles, the Sea of Marmara and the Bosporus. Zaytun and Khansai appear on the Catalan Atlas of 1375 (#246) as Ciutat de Zaytun and Ciutat de Cansay, respectively; Fra Mauroa€™s map of 1459 (#249) contains these toponyms as Cayton and Chansay. His conjecture was based on the assumption that all the toponyms on the map are contemporary with the time of its creation. This posed a problem for Khachaturian, however, and he therefore had to insist that the toponym Sara related not to Sarai-Batu but to some other location, perhaps a putative island in the Caspian Sea, even though the Caspian is neither mentioned on the map nor has it ever had an inhabited island named Sara. Looking at the toponyms shown on the map, the question arises why a Cilician-Armenian mapmaker would have included the names of cities along the distant northern Silk Road, instead of the toponyms in his locality. The earliest mention of Caffa in Armenian literature dates from the middle of the 13th century. In Rouben Galichiana€™s view, the most creditable hypothesis is that the map was created between the late-13th and mid-14th centuries, or even slightly later, which is in line with Hovhannisiana€™s proposal. The legend to the southeast of Palestine, between Mount Sinai and the Nile reads Takhtak orinatz zor yet[ur] a[stua]tz Movs[es]i, which translates Tablets of law that God gave Moses. The Armenian language has several different words that mean monastery, among them liana, menastan and ananpat.
It may also be suggested that the mapmaker was a native of the region, very likely from 14th century Caffa, then one of the most important Armenian cultural centers and the source of a large number of manuscripts of that date. 995, some 100 years before the First Crusade, Mont Ararat and Noaha€™s Ark are shown, firmly placed in the territory of Armenia. Below the range is the legend Montes Armenia, which describes the twin Peaks of Mount Ararat; here shown sideways, with the three-storey Arca Noe [Noaha€™s Ark] perched on top. Hiberia [Iberia] is shown south of Montes Armenie, between the two rivers rising form the Armenian plateau and Taurus, in the territory of Mesopotamia.
Flowing eastward from Upper Egypt, it turns west and somehow disappears underground to emerge further down and continue its flow towards Alexandria and the Mediterranean Sea. The Cottonian map places Gog and Magog hard by the northern ocean, west of the Caspian Sea and the Ten Lost Tribes appear in the Middle East. Rome and Jerusalem appear prominently a€“ with its six towers Rome is one of the two largest cities shown (along with the historically massive Babylon), biblical lands occupy the center band of the map, marked by straight, confident lines, holy waterways are distinctively colored in bright red, and a paradisiacally described island occupies the top centre of the map.
In the first century, the Roman geographer Pomponius Mela described the inhabitants of the island as inculti omnes and ita magnis aliarum opum ignari [a€?all uncivilizeda€™ and a€?moreover ignorant of a great many other thingsa€™]. If, as Orosius describes in Historiae adversum Paganos, world history did move from East to West, then readers of his Anglo-Saxon translation could easily have found themselves on the very edge of one of feower endum pyses midangeardes a€“ at the edge of the physical world and at the end of the processes of history and salvation. In its depiction of England, however, the Cottoniana map anticipates later strategies for transforming the cosmographical auctoritas of the Anglo-Saxon homeland, and pushed back against the traditions that have relegated it to the edge. Harley has observed the widespread practice that a€?societies place their own territories at the center of their cosmographies or world mapsa€™, but a quick glance at the Cotton map confirms that it does not, on the page, center Anglo-Saxon England. Jerusalem has a long scriptural and exegetic tradition (including Anglo-Saxon writers such as Bede) as the exact center of the earth, and appears as the precise center of a number of famous mappaemundi, most notably the Hereford (#226), Ebstorf (#224), Psalter (#223) and Higden (#232) maps. In mappaemundi, the usual solution consisted of placing a spherical map inside a square, and filling these a€?cornersa€™ with iconographically suitable adornment.
Consequently, Eastern Europe and Asia Minor expand considerably, creating vast empty spaces that in turn push Constantinople further north than it is normally found on medieval maps and, likewise, Jerusalem further south. Unlike any other mappaemundi, though, water similarly frames the British Isles, in effect creating the same representation of the world in microcosm. In sharp contrast, the broad strip of Western Europe that borders England is remarkably devoid of any inscription or detail.
The literal meaning of the inscription, a€?south Britaina€™, assumes a somewhat colonialist attitude towards Brittany, and onomastically centers the perspective of the region squarely on England. In contrast to its treatment of Western Europe, the Cottoniana map lavishes attention on the Scandinavian north, and provides seven names for the area (mostly absent from Orosius), including names for tribes in Norway, Finland, and possibly Iceland. The cumulative effect of all these Scandinavian a€“ or reputedly Scandinavian a€“ references recall the famous interpolation of the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan in the Alfredian Old English translation of Orosius. The Old English rewriting of the sack of Rome carefully excises from the original text any emphasis on the political power and spiritual centrality of Rome.
We have seen how the physical world of the map literally de-centers Jerusalem a€“ a position it will not manifest for centuries in English mappaemundi a€“ while likewise marginalizing the effect of Rome upon England. The map aims at covering all the lands of the Old World, but including the whole of Africa. Textually comparable are the legends on the Catalan map at the Central National Library, Florence Port. It is more than that; for while the latter is essentially a sailing guide concerned with coastwise navigation, the Catalan map is really a world map built up around the portolan chart.
Thus we may look almost in vain for those fanciful creatures with which the cosmographers of that age filled their empty continents. A thin canal across its narrow waist implies a passage between the Atlantic and Indian Oceans.
On the west, a long narrow gulf from the circumfluent ocean almost severs this southerly projection from northern Africa. It must remain debatable whether the outline of the southern extremity represents some knowledge of the Cape. Though drawings of men and animals still figure on their works they are in the main those for which there was some contemporary, or nearly contemporary, warrant; for example, Mansa Musa, the lord of Guinea, whose pilgrimage to Mecca created a sensation in 1324, or Olub bein, the ruler of the Tatars. The Cape Verde islands, which although discovered in 1444 also appear cartographically in Benincasaa€™s map of 1468, are not featured on the Catalan-Estense map. Nevertheless it is interesting that his islands Gropis and Quible reappear on the Catalan-Estense map in the west-east order of the friara€™s navigation (the cartographer does not change the order to east-west as Kimble implies).
South of the narrowest point, rather irrelevantly, is a legend which may be translated: Africa begins at the R.
The Saharan cities that appeared on the Catalan Atlas also appear here; among them are Siguilmese, Tenduch, Tagort, Buda, and Melli.
1) tells us that some have put Paradise in this part of Africa, while others have said it is beyond India. The description of its alleged cannibals comes from Marco Polo (III,10), as does the similar description of Java, here named as Jana. The Catalan-Estense map not only incorporates no new material, but some omission and corruption have occurred. One may wonder if this originated as a misunderstanding of Hadriana€™s Wall or of a line of hills, for example the Cheviots.
It can be considered to be a paradigm of the artista€™s technique, logical extensions of historical vision extending beyond the Mediterranean to the frontiers of the known world.
Stylistically speaking, the most noteworthy characteristic of the Catalan school is the series of portraits of the lords of the desert in their tents, some of whom are actual sultans and others legendary figures. Other than the coastal cities, only the Dead Sea (Mar Gomora), Judea, and the Jordan are mentioned. Next to the Canaries, a long Latin text, drawn from Isidore and the voyage of Saint Brendan, describes the Fortunate Islands of antique fame.
The duke owned a copy of Mandevillea€™s Travels as well, which he must have treasured, as there survives a letter he wrote demanding its return from a borrower.
The half-woman half-fish siren holds a mirror, symbolically indicating beauty but also vanity. On the contrary with real but heedless enthusiasm they set about the task of pouring the new wine into the old skins, an occupation offering more and more difficulties as exploration extended the known world. The nomenclature and the numerous legends on the Catalan-Estense, mostly in Catalan with a few in corrupt Latin, are often very similar to those of the 1375 Atlas.
Through Prince Paul, Johnson is a descendant of King George II, and through George's great-great-great grandfather King James I a descendant of all of the previous British royal houses. His comic first novel Seventy-Two Virgins was published in 2004,[16] and his next book will be The New British Revolution, though he has put publication on hold until after the London Mayoral election.[17] He was nominated in 2004 for a British Academy Television Award, and has attracted several unofficial fan clubs and sites. In 2004 he was appointed to the front bench as Shadow Minister for the Arts in a small reshuffle resulting from the resignation of the Shadow Home Affairs Spokesman, Nick Hawkins.
His work entitled PlanisphA¦rium [the Planisphere], described a sphere projected on the equator, the eye being at the pole, a projection later known as a€?stereographica€?. More than any one of the ancients, Claudius Ptolemy succeeded in establishing the elements and form of scientific cartography. He defines chorography as being selective and regional in approach, a€?even dealing with the smallest conceivable localities, such as harbors, farms, villages, river courses, and the likea€?.
Its position under the heavens is extremely important, for in order to describe any given part of the world one must know under what parallel of the celestial sphere it is located.
He seems to have studied and made astronomical observations in Tyre, the oldest and largest city of Phoenicia, which, even at that late date, maintained important commercial relations with remote parts of the world.
This was contrary to both truth and appearance, and the resulting map was badly distorted with respect to distance and direction, for if the eye is fixed on the center of the quadrant of the sphere which we take to be our inhabited world, it is readily seen that the meridians curve toward the North Pole and that the parallels, though they are equally spaced on the sphere, give the impression of being closer together near the poles. Traditional information regarding distances should be subordinated, especially the primitive sort, for tradition varies from time to time, and if it must enter into the making of maps at all, it is expedient to compare the records of the ancient past with newer records, a€?deciding what is credible and what is incrediblea€?.
It is remarkable that such questions never seemed to have occurred to Ptolemy, as: What is there to be found beyond Serica and Sinarum Situs? Ptolemy himself never actually employed this manner of projection, which has since, through more or less modified, been preferred by geographers for maps representing one of the hemispheres.
Some map makers have a tendency to exaggerate the size of Europe because it is most populous, and to contract the length of Asia because little is known about the eastern part of it. As for his own policy, he said, a€?in the separate maps we shall show the meridians themselves not inclined and curved but at an equal distance one from another, and since the termini of the circles of latitude and of longitude of the habitable earth, when calculated over great distances do not make any remarkable excesses, so neither is there any great difference in any of our mapsa€?. As this diagram shows, each regional map would encompass, besides its own proper territory, some parts of the neighboring countries. Ptolemy does not state specifically in his text whether he personally made any maps, and proponents of the theory that Ptolemy made no maps for this Geographia base their case on the notation in two of the existing manuscript copies, that a cartographer named AgathodA¦mon of Alexandria was the author of the accompanying map(s).
It is no less difficult, also, to determine when the maps of the two versions (A and B) were made. The meridians in the southern hemisphere are extended from the equator at the same angle as those above it, but instead of converging at the South Pole they terminated at the parallel 8A° 25a€™ below the equator. The concept of the division of the earth into zones began as early as the sixth century B.C. While Ptolemya€™s map is based upon the theory that the earth is round, it bares repeating that it is to his credit that he depicts only that half of its surface which was then known, with very little attempt to speculate on or a€?fill-ina€? the unknown parts with his imagination. More specifically, Ptolemya€™s knowledge concerning the fringes of the habitable world and civilization was broader than earlier writers, such as Strabo (#115), but in some respects it was a little confused.
With Thule as the northern limit of Ptolemya€™s habitable world, he thus extended the breadth of this world from less than 60A° (Eratosthenes and Strabo) to nearly 80A°. The silk trade with China had produced rumors of vast regions east of the Pamir and Tian Shan, hitherto the Greek limits of Asia. These distortions represented an actual extension of geographical knowledge and are doubtless based on exaggerated reports of distances traveled. 80) containing sailing directions from the Red Sea to the Indus and Malabar, indicated that the coast from Barygaza [Baroch] had a general southerly trend down to and far beyond Cape Korami [Comorin], and suggested a peninsula in southern India. While Ptolemy's map is based upon the theory that the earth is round, it bares repeating that it is to his credit that he depicts only that half of its surface which was then known, with very little attempt to speculate on or a€?fill-ina€? the unknown parts with his imagination. To be sure, there are other geographical fragments, individual maps and charts, isolated examples of the best in Greek, Roman, and Arabic cartography, but Ptolemya€™s Geographia is the only extant geographical atlas which has come down to us from the ancients.
His map projections, the conical and modified spherical, as well as the orthographic and stereographic systems developed in the Almagest, are still in use. This particular copy has not been recovered, however another copy attributed to Planudes is preserved, in part, in the monastery of Vatopedi on Mount Athos.
It was also during this time, the 14th century, that the twenty-six maps of the A-version were divided up into sixty-four.
This oldest Latin translation of Ptolemya€™s Geographia (confusingly and arbitrarily titled Cosmographia by Angelus) was at first disseminated in numerous, often splendidly decorated manuscript copies. A re-issue of the preceding, but with a new title-page, an account of the New World by Marcus Beneventanus, and a new map of the world by Ruysch, Nova Tabula.
The most important edition of Ptolemy, containing the 27 maps of the ancient world and 20 maps based on contemporary knowledge, under the superintendence of Martin WaldseemA?ller. Maps, with the exception of Asia V, printed from the same blocks as 1522 edition, and like them almost unaltered copies on a reduced scale of the maps of the 1513 edition. These maps are taken from various manuscript copies of Sallusts works some of them dating from as late as the 13th and the 14th centuries, when they were still in use as textbooks by historians and scholars.
The fourth line from the center bottom, near mount Athlas reads Medi - Armeni, a reference to the Armenians and Medes having settled in the area. In Asia beside the name of the continent, river Nilus, Egypt and Mare Rubrum [Red Sea] are mentioned, while the tall rising tower bears the legend Jrslm [Jerusalem]. These are the people, that according to Sallust settled in North Africa, giving rise to the North African tribes of today. Its heavily biblical content is also unusual: note Hierusalem on the central axis with the cross and Mt. Of the sons of Noah, Shem is found in Asia and Ham in Africa, as usual, but Japheth stands next to Shem in Asia, instead of Europe.
In the centre, at the juncture of the horizontal and vertical dividing bands, is an omega-shape with a cross in the centre, labeled beneath Mons syon. The only place names in the Africa zone are at the very top, and two of them, TERRA IVDA, and PALESTINA, may have been intended as part of the central band (B above). They absorbed significant amounts of text into the schematic frame, such as lists of the provinces of the inhabited world. She associates this with the piety of the First Crusade, and the attention given to the Cross would support this claim. 8v), a manuscript very closely related to MS 17 in space and time; and the Peterborough computus also contains the only other extant copy of Byrhtfertha€™s Diagram (#205Z13).
Moreover, in Book 5 of the Historia ecclesiastica, Bede follows up his account of Adomnan of Ionaa€™s reception of the Roman Easter with a paraphrase of his De locis sanctis: now it is Jerusalem, not Rome, which is the center of the world, but the link between computistical orthodoxy and the universality of the Church in space is still the underlying message. The map (shown below) is in a chapter on the a€?Provinces du monde,a€? but there is almost no connection between the map and the list of provinces in the chapter. The legend hic sunt dragones, a€?Here there are dragonsa€?, sounds like a legend that would appear on many medieval mapsa€”such is our tendency to associate monsters with medieval mapsa€”but in fact it appears on only one other cartographic object, namely the Hunt-Lenox globe of c.1510 (Book IV, #314), where on the southeastern coast of Asia there is a legend that reads HC SVNT DRACONES.
The prominent sea monsters on the map are thus invented dangers, rather than being based on the descriptions of sea monsters in a bestiary or encyclopedia, and the labels, like those on the islands, are attempts to convey an authority and accuracy which in fact are absent.
Under the letter a€?Aa€™, for example, we read first about Asia and Assyria, then Arabia, Armenia and Albania. One full and almost sixty abridged manuscript copies of this work have survived, thirty-three of which are in the Matenadaran. Only the northern end of the single red line might be considered to represent the river Tanais, the traditional divide between Europe and Asia.
It may be worth bearing in mind that for the first four centuries of Christianity it was predominantly an Asiatic and North African religion, and that the Christian world was not divided into a Latin West and a predominantly Byzantine East until after the Council of Ephesus in 431. In Section 11, containing a text related to the Old Testament, there is circular plan of the city of Jerusalem (fol.
Because the encircling Ocean touches two sides of paper, the words Hyusis [North] and Harav [South] have had to be split. West of this water body, an unnamed river is shown by a pair of parallel red lines bearing the simple inscription Sea.
North of Constantinople, the vertical black line, inscribed only as Sea, represents the Black Sea. According to Ibn-Battuta, this was the largest port [he] had ever seen, which could easily accommodate more than 100 large Chinese junks. Furthermore he claimed that since Mardin appears prominently on the map, it must have been made before the conquest of that city by the Arabs, in the early 13th century. By the middle of the 14th century, when numerous monastic scriptoria were in operation, the majority of Caffaa€™s population of 70,000 were Armenian. Arguably, the lack of any references to Armenia itself could be attributed to the fact that he lived far from his homeland and felt no particular affinity with it. The Mediterranean Sea is not shown and only the black African faces convey a hint of reality. Below the Ark the legend Armenia can be seen, although somewhat masked by the print bleeding through. In addition, there are a number of unlabelled provinces, rivers and islands, leading one to surmise that this map was copied from a larger and more detailed map.
England, in the meantime, occupies the lower left corner of the map, its cities tiny and its terrain free of the distinctive straight lines that dominate the center strip of the Holy Land. Mela correlates the ignorance of Britain to the islanda€™s extreme distance from Rome and the Continent, and rounds out his description by noting that the British pecore ac finibus dites [a€?are rich only in cattle and landa€™]. The Orosian a€?four ends of this eartha€™ also recall the common scriptural phrase a€?the four corners of the eartha€™, a phrase translated directly (feowerum foldan sceatum) or alluded to many times in Old English literature.
The edge of geographic knowledge, Mary Campbell reminds us, can be a location charged with a€?moral significancea€™ and even a€?divine dangerousnessa€™. Importantly, though, the Cotton map should be considered as centered on Jerusalem in only the loosest sense of the term, since the map locates the city slightly down (west) and far to the right of center.
The Cottoniana map, in contrast, has the look of a round map that has been deliberately stretched to fit the dimensions of the manuscript page. In comparison to later mappaemundi, such a choice actually de-emphasizes the center as it creates room in the corners. One city in the southwest lacks an inscription, perhaps an indication of the provenance of the map or mapmaker. In the formal elements of the map, the curve of the Channel and North Sea echo the form of Mediterranean and Black Seas, which clearly demarcate Europe from the rest of the world.
Unlike the mappaemundi closest in time to it, the Cottoniana map completely ignores lower Germany and France, and from what appears to be Jutland to the Pyrenees mountains, the map includes exactly one inscription: sudbryttas (discussed below). Such an attitude also references one of the first major cultural events of post-Roman Britain, namely the victory of Anglo-Saxon invaders over native Britain, and the subsequent late 5th century settlement of Bretons in southern Gaul.
The one inscription from Orosius retained in this area, Daria (Dacia) ubi et Gothia, only intensifies the Cottoniana mapa€™s regard for the Nordic. Traditionally, the interpolation of allegedly firsthand accounts of explorations of Scandinavia and the Baltic region into Orosiusa€™ classical geography is viewed as a natural extension of ninth century Englanda€™s connection and interest in things Scandinavian. Instead, the Anglo-Saxon version uses the occasion of the sacking of Rome to manifest a distinctly Germanic notion of Christendom and kingship, one which a€?permits vernacular access to and Anglo-Saxon identification with an order of identity that has left the senate and people of Rome far behinda€™. For Anglo-Saxon England, Rome meant many things, and the map should be understood as embodying all of them: the past imperial power, responsible for the historical view of England, as well as a present fallen one, and the present spiritual center of Christian belief. However, the editors also consider, tentatively, the possibility that some of the script of the map is of a slightly later date, and possibly as late as the early 12th century. London, the Saxon capital of Winchester and Dublin are indicated using Roman-style town symbols. Yet the map, itself a product of late Anglo-Saxon culture, appears to practically embrace the traditional marginalization of England.
The central point is not Jerusalem but near the abode of the mythical Christian king Prester John [Presta Iohan], placed in Nubia between the two branches of the Nile. It is true that in some cases the term a€?worlda€™ connotes simply the habitable, or known earth as conceived by the author, nevertheless, in others, as the Catalan-Estense map, it is interpreted to include lands not yet discovered, but only posited. At the same time, these men saw nothing strange about a belief in the Terrestrial Paradise, or in a hydrographical system stretching from sea to sea.
The southern landmass, which may be intended for a separate continent, has no place-names or pictures, demonstrating remarkable restraint on the part of the artist. The southern interior is blank save for the legend Africa begins at the river Nile in Egypt and ends at Gutzola in the west: it includes the whole land of Barbaria, and the land in the south. The outline may be entirely imposed by the frame of the map: at the most, it may reflect the kind of report that we find on Fra Mauroa€™s map (#249). In this spirit of critical realism, the Catalan cartographers of the 14th century threw off the bonds of tradition, and anticipated the achievements of the Renaissance. This coastline looks in the Modena map rather similar in its outline to Biancoa€™s 1448 chart. Nor can we prove a date from the legend to a mountain near the same gulf, which may be translated as This mountain is called by the Saracens Mt Gibel Camar, which in our language means Mountain of the Moon; this mountain is on the equator. A pass in the eastern part of the range is called a route of Islamic pilgrims, another piece of evidence of Arab sources.
The Catalan-Estense map also gives a short caption on diamond mountains, said to be guardians of the Earthly Paradise. Thus the capital [Beijing] of Cathay is said to be Cambalec and to have had an ancient city called Garibalu nearby. Of the northern islands, the furthest northwest is Islanda [Iceland], one of eight in an archipelago. The anonymous artist of the Estense world map combines details from literature of certain regions of the world with empirical facts about the Mediterranean area.


These are the earliest European maps to acknowledge and record the presence of Islamic power in the Mediterranean.
To the south the Indian Ocean is greatly enlarged and full of brightly colored islands, but only three are named: Silan, Trapobana, and Java.
Platoa€™s tale of Atlantis is recalled near an island labeled illa de gentils; it was once as large as all Africa but now, by the will of God, is covered with water.
Such a map implies several highly complex unknown factors as regards the level of realism aimed at by the artist.
The sirens on the Catalan Estense mappamundi are of particular interest because they provide insight into the techniques for making sea monsters in a cartographic workshop.
The single river originates in the middle of the Garden before flowing out of it into a lake, there after to separate into four streams. In some instances the legends are more complete, in others they are less detailed; they suggest, therefore, not direct copying but possibly a common source. In 1995 a recording of a telephone conversation was made public revealing a plot by a friend to physically assault a News of the World journalist.
90 to 168 (during the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius) and that he lived in, or near, Alexandria Egypt.
This he did through his second great treatise, Geographike Syntaxis, called by him, a€?the geographical guide to the making of mapsa€?, and, in later centuries, shortened to simply Geographia, or (incorrectly) Cosmographia. Geography, he said, differs from chorography in that it deals with a€?a representation in picture of the whole known world together with the phenomena that are contained thereina€?.
Otherwise how can one determine the length of its days and nights, the stars which are fixed overhead, the stars which appear nightly over the horizon and the stars which never rise above the horizon at all. This a€?tutora€™ of Ptolemy had read nearly all of the historians before him and had corrected many of their errors (presumable errors relating to the location of places as contained in travelersa€™ itineraries).
Ptolemy was well aware that it would be desirable to retain a semblance of spherical proportions on his flat map, but at the same time he decided to be practical about it. With one exception (an Italian translation by Berlinghieri), every editor of Ptolemya€™s Geographia has published, not the original maps, but a modification of them by Nicolaus Germanus (Donis), who, with praiseworthy exactness and without any further alterations, reproduced the originals, on a projection with rectilinear, equidistant parallels and meridians converging towards the poles. It is an exception when geographical or descriptive remarks are added to this bare enumeration of names. Therefore if a geographer were obliged to fall back on the reports of travelers, he should exercise some discrimination in his choice of authorities. What could be found to the north of Thule, or to the south of Agysimba and Cape Prasum: Where would you arrive if you sailed westward from the Fortunate Islands?
And some cartographers surround the earth on all sides with an ocean that, according to Ptolemy are a€?making a fallacious description, and an unfinished and foolish picturea€?.
But, as is also usual in modern atlases, these neighboring areas of the map are only roughly sketched, while the principle area is shown in full detail. From these same manuscripts it is stated that a€?he drew them according to the instructions in the eight books of Claudius Ptolemya€?. Certain indications point to the Byzantine period, with the exception of AgathodA¦mona€™s single-sheet world map. And it is highly probable that Ptolemy the astronomer, who is usually discredited by later geographers because of his methods and the kinds of information he compiled, had no more standing among some of his influential contemporaries than he would today in the most approved geographical circles of the civilized world. The only good reason for discussing a few of the glaring faults of the Geographia is that it was the canonical work on the subject for more than 1400 years. In the northern regions, for example, he had been ill-advised with regard to Ireland, and positioned it further north than any part of Wales; likewise, Scotland was twisted around so that its length ran nearly east and west.
Ptolemy stated that the Nile arose from two streams, the outlets of two lakes a little south of the equator, which was closer to the truth than any previous conception until the discovery of the Victoria and Albert Nyanza in modern times. All such information was of doubtful origin, and in laying down the coastline of Eastern Asia, Ptolemy ran the line roughly north and south. Ptolemy, apparently following Marinus, ignored this document, or else never saw it because the shape of his India is unduly broadened and foreshortened.
Leaving the habitable world from the Strait at the Pillars of Hercules to the Gulf of Issus, it passed through Caralis in Sardinia and Lilybaeum in Sicily (30A° 12a€™ and 37A° 50a€™ N). Ptolemy stated that the Nile arose from two streams, the outlets of two lakes a little south of the equator, which was closer to the truth than any previous conception, or any later one until the discovery of the Victoria and Albert Nyanza in modern times. There is nothing in the literature to indicate that any other such systematic collection of maps was ever compiled, with the exception of the maps of Marinus, about which almost nothing is known, save what Ptolemy has mentioned. The listing of place-names, either in geographical or alphabetical order, with the latitude and longitude of each place to guide the search, is not so different from the modern system of letters and numerals employed to help the reader, a little convenience that is standard on modern maps and Ptolemaic in origin. Four new mapsa€”France, Italy, Spain and Palestinea€”being based on contemporary knowledge.
The map of the world is the first to show contemporary discoveries, and the first map to bear the name of its engraver, Johannes Schnitzer de Armssheim. The other 6 mapsa€”northern Europe, Spain, France, Poland, Italy and the Holy Landa€”are based on contemporary knowledge.
Includes the Tabula Terra Nova, the first map specifically devoted to the delineation of the New World. Most of them die by the gradual decay of age, except such as perish by the sword or beasts of prey, for disease finds but few victims. The page is composed with the map above and a week-day table arranged under the arches below. Athens, Ephesus, Achaia, and Caesarea are mentioned specifically as sites where the apostles preached.
The only significant difference between the Peterborough version of the map and the one found in MS 17 is that MS 17 alone contains the marginal note on Asia maior. A map of the Macrobian type also appears in the Abbonian computus manuscript Berlin 138 fol. Adam, Eve, and the serpent are in Eden at the top (east) of the map, with the rivers of Paradise flowing downward from it to the west (the river Jordan is labeled). Heads symbolizing the four principal winds surround the habitable world, on which a number of historical or encyclopedic features are portrayed, such as the Tower of Babel, the Trees of the Sun and the Moon, the river Jordan, Jerusalem with Mount Calvary, the Red Sea, Rome, and some of the monstrous races.
These monsters, though invented, nonetheless have their effect, and render the circumfluent ocean a place of terrors, in contrast to the apparently peaceful buildings of the inhabited world. The original Ashkharhatzuytz is attributed by some to the 5th century Armenian historian Movses Khorenatzi, while others believe that it is the work of the 7th century scientist and astronomer Anania Shirakatzi. Two vertical parallel red lines (running from Jerusalem to the western edge of the map) represent the unnamed Mediterranean Sea that separates Africa and Europe.
Christianity had reached Armenia through the preaching of the Apostles Bartholomew and Thaddeus. 392r), which is similar to the plan of the same city drawn in the centre of the world map of MS 1242. The significance of the two circles is made clear by the note, also on the outside, The all encompassing ocean, which is in this shape. Venice was an important entrepot for Armenian merchants, and Constantinople, capital of the Byzantine Empire, was the most important religious and political centre outside Jerusalem.
These lines, drawn almost at right angles to the Mediterranean, connect with the outer Ocean. Misr is the Arabic name of Egypt, used also in old Armenian, which the mapmaker has chosen to employ in conjunction with the later-day Armenian name of the country. The northern extremity of the red line dividing Europe and Asia, beyond the eastern end of the Black Sea, must also stand for the Sea of Azov (for which there is no place-name) and the river Tanais.
Sarai refers to the capital of the Mongols; it is either Sarai-Batu (Old Sarai), built in 1240s, or Sarai-Berke [New Sarai], dating from around 1260. These are doubtful lines of argument; information took time to be disseminated, and maps were only slowly updated. In addition, two legends in Palestine read Yekin anapatn [Came to the monastery] and Yekin Ye[rusaghe]m sakavq [A few came to Je[rusale]m]. The monastery on the Armenian map is not named but is defined as ananpat, which suggests a conscious choice, since on the Hereford map the whole legend reads Monasteria Sancti Antonii in deserto. Living on the edge, as it were, Anglo-Saxons felt the danger of their borders keenly throughout their history.
Recent commentators have noted that most early medieval world maps actually do not center Jerusalem, and that this convention probably derives from the later political context of the Crusadesa€™ quests for the Holy City. The map, while retaining some suggestive quality of roundness, definitely has corners, in marked contrast to the traditional circular format of such maps, including later and more elaborate English mappaemundi, where the British Isles end up compressed, squashed, really, into the curvature of the border.
In the Cottoniana map, the physical center of the world appears rather sparse, consisting of mostly empty sections of lower Syria and the eastern Mediterranean. Looking at the map in this fashion, one can then see a succession of three nested identical L-shaped frames, which draw the eye of the viewer from the whole world, to Europe, and then finally, to England. Thus with reference to the area of classical Gaul, or contemporary France, Normandy, Flanders, Maine and Burgundy, the map chooses to depict a period both after the fall of Rome, and before the rise of Western European political states that would by the middle of the 11th century definitively end Anglo-Saxon power. McGurk notes that the map pulls Dacia considerably out of position; Orosius places Dacia et Gothia in the middle of Eastern Europe, between the territories of Alania and Germania, while the Cottoniana map moves Dacia et Gothia much further north.
Sealy Gilles, for instance, claims that in the Alfredian additions, the Anglo-Saxon Wulfstana€™s account of pagan customs persisting on the margins of European Christendom is reminiscent of the ancient customs of the English themselves.
Italy alone contains seven cities, including Rome a€“ more than any other region on the map a€“ and the end result is a mass of iconographic power pointing at this imperial and spiritual seat.
Similarly, the map produces many Englands: the past, Othered colony of Roman conquest and then missionaries, the present geographic island, and, most importantly, the desired stable political entity in the process of moving in from the edge of the world and assuming a centric role in, at the very least, a larger corner of Europe.
Conversely, McGurk and Dumville also consider that this script may also be the work of the manuscripta€™s main scribe (p. New information was added but at each stage errors and misunderstandings occurred in the copying process.
The size of the Cornish peninsula is exaggerated, probably reflecting the importance of its copper and tin mines in the ancient world.
While Anglo-Saxon England possessed a coherent national identity since at least the ninth century, this 11th century depiction refers to the island by its Roman name, Brittania, rather than the more contemporary Angelcynn. Recent commentators have noted that most early medieval world maps actually do not center Jerusalem, and that this convention probably derives from the later political context of the Crusadesa€™ quests for the Holy City.A  It is tempting, however, to also consider the de-centering of Jerusalem in the Cottoniana map as a function of the mapa€™s own textual convention, and the way it responds to and ultimately rejects notions of Englanda€™s marginalized state.
The map belonged to the collection of the Dukes of Ferrara, who since 1452 had also been Dukes of Modena and Reggio. The abandonment of Jerusalem as a central point is found on several other European mappaemundi of the 14th and 15th centuries. There are also linguistic and topographical similarities with a fragment of a Catalan world map in the Topkapu Sarav Library, Istanbul.
This aggravated the cartographera€™s task very considerably for it meant that he was continually being faced with the problem of choosing between scanty and often poorly substantiated fact on the one hand, and plausible and often well-attested theory on the other. Five rivers are shown flowing north from it, one of them a river of gold, flowing through a lake not connected with the Nile. A legend on the island of Meroe on the White Nile claims this as the place where there is a deep well, on the bottom of which the sun shines; similar ones on the Pizigano map of 1367 (Parma) and the Florence Catalan map mentioned give the month when this happens as June.
The northern coast of the Gulf continues east almost straight, the whole coast of India being much foreshortened. As a result, details from the tales of Marco Polo, known centuries before, can be seen in the descriptive outline of China, with details about the Portuguese recent explorations of Cape Verde, circumnavigated for the first time in 1444 by Dias too. A Chinese junk, identified in a legend, sails through the water, menaced by three half-human figures: one part fish, one part bird, and one part horse.
In the north is a group of colorful islands marked, These islands are called a€?islandesa€™, which may be a reference to Iceland. It is, for example, inconceivable that contemporary seafarers believed that a large expanse of land actually existed in the south of Africa. The wavy lines representing the water are discontinuous at a rectangle around each of the sirens, indicating that a blank space had been left for each creature, and that the sirens were painted by a different artist, no doubt a specialist in decorations such as sea monsters. These Mountains of the Moon are stated to be on the Equator, and the streams are called the riu de lor.
But as they were predisposed to eschew wild guesses and to be skeptical of travelersa€™ tales, their maps do not afford the best illustrations of this characteristic.A  As a single example, at the beginning of the Catalan period the Rio del Oro [River of Gold], a heritage of classical geography, was made to debouch into the Atlantic immediately south of Cape Bojador. This similarity is also evident in the delineation of the main features, most of those in the 1375 Atlas are to be found on the Estense map.
During the second century, Alexandria was not only the richest city in the world, with regard to learned institutions and treasures of scholarship, but also the wealthiest commercial place on the earth.
This work is actually the first general atlas of the world to have survived, rather than a a€?Geographya€? with a long textual introduction to the subject of cartography. As he proceeds to elaborate his definition of geography, it becomes apparent that Ptolemy conceived that the primary function of geography was a€?mapmakinga€?, and that, to him, geography was synonymous with cartography.
He had, moreover, edited and revised his own geographic maps, of which at least two editions had been published before Ptolemy saw them.
Finally, Ptolemy thought, about all one could do was to locate unfamiliar places as accurately as possible with reference to well-known places, in as much as it is advisable on a map of the entire world to assign a definite position to every known place, regardless of how little is known about it. The longitudes would be determined from the meridian of Alexandria, either at sunrise or sunset, calculating the difference in equinoctial hours between Alexandria and point two, whatever it might be.
As mentioned earlier, the original text called for twenty-six regional or special maps, which in all extant manuscript copies bear a strong family resemblance and are laid down on the projection apparently used by Marinus in the form of isosceles trapezoids.
However, this statement has never been dated and, confusingly, AgathodA¦mona€™s single-sheet world map employs a projection unlike any proposed by Ptolemya€™s text. But, again, when they were constructed - totally and faithfully copied from the originals, or constructed from Ptolemya€™s instructions but without benefit of original models - is significant in trying to determine the degree of similarity to their a€?prototypea€™ and the possibility of additions or corrections based upon more contemporary knowledge.
Different from what is now accepted as the meaning, this word in ancient maps had a purely geographical, not a meteorological significance, although they also perceived that the climate of a region was somewhat related to its distance from the equator. Similarly he showed the length of the Mediterranean as 62A°, whereas, in reality it is only 42A°. Geographers of the 15th and 16th centuries relied on it so heavily, while ignoring the new discoveries of maritime explorers, that it actually exerted a powerful retarding influence on the progress of cartography. Instead of continuing it to the Land of the LinA¦ [seacoast of China] he curved it around to the east and south, forming a great bay, Sinus Magnus [roughly the Gulf of Siam]. Carthage is positioned 1A° 20a€™ south of the parallel of Rhodes; actually it is one degree north of it. Corrected and amended by a succession of editors, this version also formed the basis upon which all of the editions of the 15th century are built.
The text is a metrical paraphrase by Francesco Berlinghieri, and is the first edition in Italian. The greatly increased number of a€?modern mapsa€? makes this in effect the first modern atlas. Uniting these two gives us Garden of Delight; for it is planted with every kind of wood and fruit-bearing tree, having also the tree of life. Several of the districts are rich in gold and precious stones but are rarely approached by man owing to the ferocity of the Griffens .
Animals of a venomous nature they have in great numbers, Africa, then, was originally occupied by the Getulians and Libyans, rude and uncivilized tribes, who subsisted on the flesh of wild animals, or like cattle, on the herbage of the soil. Place names are almost entirely omitted from Africa and Asia Major, and a note in the upper right adds a€?[Asia] Major has in the east Alexandria and Pamphiliaa€?. The only places without a biblical link of some kind are in Italy (Sicily, Mount Etna, Tuscany, Campania), Constantinople and Britain, Ireland and Thule. However, the Peterborough map does not represent Mount Sion as a round a€?hilla€? with a cross, but as a triangle, and spells IERUSALEM without MS 17a€™s initial H. When these Greek names for the cardinal directions are read as if making the sign of the cross, that is, east-west-north-south, their initial letters spell ADAM. Jerusalem stands out at the center of the world and is labeled, as are Calvary, Babylon, the Red Sea, and Rome; the Trees of the Sun and Moon visited by Alexander the Great are also easy to identify. As this manuscript is the only one of the long version of the work that contains a world map, it seems likely that the map was the result of a specific request by the patron commissioning the manuscript, namely Philippe II Sans Terre (1438-1497).
The text also retains Isidorea€™s distinction between the Fortunate Islands and the earthly paradise and repeats the belief that Enoch and Elijah dwelt in the Garden and that the noise of the waters of Paradise falling to earth from a such a great height caused the local population to be born deaf. The text is based on the work of Pappus of Alexandria (late third or early 4th century AD), but the chapters relating to Armenia and neighboring countries have been expanded. In accordance with the Western Christian T-O maps, the Armenian map is oriented with East at the top. It became the state religion in 301, after the conversion of King Tigran III, which makes the Armenian Church one of the oldest Christian entities.
Although made in geographically widely separate locations, a common source or tradition may be suspected, especially were the Armenian map to prove to have been made before the end of the 13th century, which would place all these maps to within one hundred to one hundred fifty years of each other.
The term Sea, it should be noted, as used on the Armenian T-O map, refers any substantial body of water, whether it be an ocean, sea, lake or river. One of these is located at the eastern extremity of the Mediterranean Sea, within the parallel lines, whereas the other two lie just to the north of the lines.
On the other (eastern) side of the legend indicating Africa a large red circle contains the legend Paravon yev zorqn Yegiptosi [Pharaoh and the army of Egypt].
Directly south of the Red Sea, near the shores of the surrounding Ocean, lies Ethiopia, named Hapash. The 13th century traveler Marco Polo mentions Zai-tun and Kin-sai as being important cities, trading with Japan (Zipangu), as well as with the Arabs and Persians. Moreover, in the case of the Western mappaemundi the very essence of the map was the inclusion of old (historical as well as biblical) information together with contemporary places and events. Since the two Western maps and the Armenian map seem to have been made within one hundred and one hundred fifty years of each other, we can see the reference on the respective maps as further confirmation of the possibility of a common source. Further down we see a second range of mountains also named Taurus, the continuation of the remaining section of the same range, continued with a break.
The time of the Cottoniana map was no different, as the Anglo-Saxon state began the 11th century unsuccessfully fighting off one set of invasions, and did not last the century fighting off a second set; but from at least the time of King Alfred, as the Anglo-Saxon state was formed, it also coalesced around a cultural center other than Rome or Jerusalem.
Each of the corners, by contrast, is distinguished and distinct: the separate landmass of the British Isles in the northwest, the giant drawing of the lion in the northeast, and the fiery waters and mountains of the southern corners.
In this scheme, Britain itself then maps its own marginality on to Ireland, which ends up inside a fourth L-shaped frame of water northwest of Britain a€“ a move that to a degree displaces Brittania as one of feowerum foldan sceatum, and brings England further in from the edge. But the blankness of this area can provide two functions: first, it reinforces the mapa€™s accentuation of England by providing another curving blank space, this time of land, to frame the British Isles. Bede echoes this sentiment, noting that in relation to Spain, Gaul and Germany, or a€?greater Europea€™ (maximis Europae) Britain stands a€?at a great distance against thema€™ (multo interuallo aduersa). In this sense, the mappamundi eerily refuses to recognize the very regions that will directly enable the Norman Conquest of Anglo- Saxon England, only decades (perhaps less) after the map was made.
At the same time, however, the Cottoniana map enacts a strategy similar to that found in the Old English Orosius, and emphasizes the Anglo-Saxon world even as it works within a distinctly Roman source.
In the a€?big picturea€™ of the mappamundi, England appears literally as one of the feowerum foldan sceatum, tucked far away from the center of the map, with only Ireland and Tylen, or ultimate Thule, closer to the physical corner of the manuscript page. Many of them had collections in more than one place and the Estense library is very rich in their collections of different periods.
Africa, to which the cartographera€™s attention was clearly directed as new discoveries were incorporated, is enlarged, crosses the equator, and reaches a southern coast.
As these Catalan maps developed, some of them aimed at including the latest information available from European navigators and compilers. It is a tribute to the integrity of these men that their work contains so much that subsequent investigation has proved true.
Later draftsmen, in order to escape the embarrassment caused by indicating the great trans-Saharan caravan routes within these narrow limits, began to speculate on the course of the African coast, south of Bojador. Differences in ink and supposed linguistic variants caused earlier scholars to wonder if two different periods of composition were involved, but George Kimble (1934) pointed out that the handwriting had been judged the same throughout.
This river of gold is different from the Riu del Or reported in the Catalan Atlas of 1375 (#235) as having been discovered in 1346; that is an inlet in the former Spanish protectorate of Rio de Oro. Near Cape Verde we are told, a€?At this cape is the end of the land of the west part of Africa. There is nothing corresponding to the Malay peninsula, only a gentle bend leading north-westwards to surrounding Ocean.
The circumference of the capital in Marco Polo is 24 miles, in the Catalan-Estense map 24 leagues. But south of it is inssula [sic] destillant, whose inhabitants are said to be Norwegian-speaking Christians. The same discontinuity in the wavy lines is visible around the two ships on the map, and given the similarities between the faces of the sirens and those of some of the sovereigns painted in Africa, it is tempting to conclude that one specialist painted all of the more artistically sophisticated decorative elements on the map: the sirens, the ships, the sovereigns, and so on. It is a tribute to the integrity of these men that their work contains so much that subsequent investigation has proved true.A  In fact it is this careful sifting of evidence that constitutes one of the chief merits of the Catalan school of cartography, in an age when intellectual honesty was none too common. We may therefore assume that the headwaters of the Niger marked the approximate limit of contemporary knowledge in this region, and it is not improbable that reports of the sea to the south had been received. With the extension of trans-Saharan commerce in the 14th century, and, along with it the enlargement of geographical knowledge, the Rio del Oro was pushed, little by little, farther south until at length in the Catalan-Estense map it is located approximately in the latitude of the Senegal-Niger system, which no doubt, it is intended to represent.
It was a place where seafaring people and caravans from all parts of the known world would use to congregate, thereby providing the opportunity to collect knowledge of far away lands and seas. Here for the first time are documented the duties and responsibilities of the mapmaker, his limitations, and the nature of the materials he was to work with. The final drafts were nearly free from defects and his text, which we know of only through Ptolemy, was so reliable in Ptolemya€™s estimation that a€?it would seem to be enough for us to describe the earth on which we dwell from his commentaries alone, without other investigations.a€? According to Ptolemy, the most significant feature of the maps of Marinus was the growth of the habitable world and the changed attitude toward the uninhabited parts. When such a conical surface is extended on a plane, a network with circular parallels and rectilinear, converging meridians arise.
Unlike Marinus who listed longitude on one page and latitude on another, Ptolemy began the tradition of listing the positional coordinates together and in a usable system that was practical to follow.
Some of the other conspicuously modern conventions include the previously noted lack of ornamentation, his method of differentiating land and water, rivers and towns, by means of either hachures or different colors, and his use of a€?standardizeda€™ symbols all of which is accepted at first glance without a thought being given to the origin of the technique. This particular world map is usually found at the end of Book VII, preceded by three chapters containing some practical advice, a general description of all known areas of the world and the three principle seas (the Mediterranean, the Caspian and the Indian Ocean), with their bays and islands, and instructions for drawing a sphere and maps on a plane surface.
It is noteworthy here to point out that, regardless of when these existing manuscript reproductions were made, they somehow escaped the pictorial fancies such as sketches of animals, monsters, savages, ships, kings, etc. The eastward extension of Asia is also exaggerated, measuring about 110A° from the coast of Syria to the outermost limits of China, instead of the true distance of about 85A°. The Geographia was both a keystone and a millstone, a pioneering effort that outlived its usefulness. The northern coast of Germany beyond Denmark, Cimbrica Chersonese, is shown as the margin of the Northern Ocean, and running in a general east-west direction. Continuing it around to the south until it joined Terra Incognita at the southern limit of the habitable world, he made a lake of the Indicum Mare [Indian Ocean]. For the most part, the lands beyond the Ganges were not well known until a thousand years later when the brothers Polo first acquainted western Europe with the existence of a number of large islands in that part of the world.
Byzantium is placed in the same latitude as Massilia, which made it more than two degrees north of its true position. It is also the only edition with maps printed on the original projection with equidistant parallels or meridians.
They were controlled neither by customs, laws, nor the authority of any ruler, they wandered about, without fixed habitations and slept in the abodes to which night drove them.
These islands, the only ones represented, break the frame of the map, perhaps as a burst of patriotism on the part of the scribes.
The popularity of this ancient conceit was primarily due to St Augustine, who compared Adama€™s progeny filling the earth and the sons of Noah re-populating the globe. A list map using the T-O form as a symbolic frame for displaying the names of provinces in Asia, Africa and Europe appears in Cotton Vitellius A.XII, fol. But otherwise the mapa€™s geography is vague; it presents much of the earth as a a€?jumblea€? of land and water.
Adam and Eve, the tree and the serpent are shown within an ornate architectural frame, as if to emphasize the uniqueness and splendor of the Garden.
But once he had been assigned this task, the artist seems to have given his fancy free rein. A later version of the Ashkharhatzuytz by the 13th century historian and geographer Vartan Areveltzi is also extant in multiple copies (MS 3119, 4184 and others). Armenian Christianity's ties with the Latin churches were severed in 554 over irreconcilable doctrinal differences. The city plan in the 16th century MS 1770 also would seem to have been derived from the same common source or tradition. Similarly the term Land does not denote a territory as such, but is placed wherever there is a significant gap between neighboring toponyms. The Nile is placed well inside Asia, where a vertical (easta€”west) red line running from close to the eastern Ocean towards the Red Sea bears the legend Ays dzovis anun Nil asen [This Sea is named Nile]. Although the whole representation may be highly schematic, the way that the Aegean Sea is depicted as branching off from the Mediterranean to the west of Jerusalem and the easta€”west alignment of Black Sea, shown at right angles to the northern end of the Aegean near Constantinople, presents a more faithful picture of reality than many other T-O maps.
Then comes Ashkharq Hndkatz [Lands of the Indians], followed well to the southeast by Hndkastan [Hindustan or India]. It was usual for medieval maps, in short, to depict conditions in existence some time before their creation.
And even as the Cotton map acknowledges the liminal world that is the origin of the Angelcynn, it also promotes their geographic desires and anxieties that England, ultimately, should also be a center, not a corner, of the world. Second, the mapa€™s omission of Englanda€™s closest continental neighbors might not only reveal an eagerness to distance Anglo-Saxon England from its classical definitions, but also perhaps consciously deny a particular aspect of its current political situation. From Isidore and Orosius, Bede specifically preserves the term adversa, the word fraught not only with locative, but potentially negative connotations (e.g.
Harris has recently demonstrated, Anglo-Saxons likely viewed the Daci as synonymous with Dani (the Danes), and Gothi (derived from GetA¦) as the same as the Geats, the famous, if somewhat a historical Scandinavian tribe of Beowulf fame. As noted above, the L-shaped England echoes the forms of the larger geographies that contain it, that of Europe, and then that of the world. Could they refer to the conflict between the Saxons and the native Britons in the centuries following the departure of the Romans early in the fifth century, which gave rise to the legend of King Arthur? The map was taken there in 1598 by Cesare da€™Este who was the illegitimate son of Duke Alfonso I.
A Mons Lune [Mountain of the Moon] is also found by the Gulf of Guinea on the Medici Atlas (#233), whose world map is now thought to be 15th century. The island of Trapobana is much enlarged, and is placed on the southeastern margin of the map. Despite this primitive cartographic approach to Asia, the evidence given above from West Africa seems conclusive on the dating. This island is surely not a misplaced Estland [Estonia], as Kretschmer gives, but Shetland [Hjaltland], for which compare Ilia de Scillanda, near Archania, in the 1375 Catalan Atlas.
Or that theologians could accept that Paradise, which ceases to appear in Asia following Marco Poloa€™s travels, could be relocated to Ethiopia. The legends about sirens on the Catalan Estense mappamundi derive ultimately from the so-called Tuscan bestiary, perhaps by way of a Catalan bestiary.
The value of the Catalan maps, as commentaries upon the state of contemporary knowledge at once becomes apparent and we are hardly surprised to find that the Catalan Atlas of 1375 (#235) has the finest delineation of Asia Europe had seen up to that time, or that, in its knowledge of Cathay [China] and the Sudan, the same map is surpassed in the Middle Ages only by the 1459 Fra Mauro map (#249).
These may have induced the cartographer to accept the western gulf of Ptolemy, but to enlarge it considerably.A  Again, the name Rio del Oro [River of Gold] recalls the inscription on the Catalan Atlas and the classical tradition. In spite of such scant personal knowledge, Claudius Ptolemya€™s writings have had a greater influence on cartography, and on geography in general, than that of any other single figure in history. 141), a composition dealing with astronomy and mathematics, more commonly known by its hybrid Greco-Arabic title, the Almagest, in which he lays down the foundation of trigonometry and sets forth his view of the universe. This single treatise remained the standard work on geographical theory throughout the Middle Ages, was not superseded as such with the 16th century, and constitutes one of the fundamental tenants of modern geodesy. Cartography is not an artistic endeavor according to the Greek scholar, but should be concerned with the relation of distance and direction, and with the important features of the eartha€™s surface that can be indicated by plain lines and simple notations (enough to indicate general features and fix positions).
Marinus was a good man in Ptolemya€™s estimation but he lacked the critical eye and allowed himself to be led astray in his scientific investigations.
Lest the proportions of certain parts of the mapped territory should be too much deformed, only the northern or the southern hemispheres should be laid down on the same map by this projection, which is consequently inconvenient for maps embracing the whole earth. This particular projection shown of the general map of the habitable world, the one believed to be employed by Ptolemy in his original general map, is laid down in the lazy mana€™s projection he talked about, the modified conic instead of the spherical projection that he recommended for a faithful delineation of the eartha€™s surface. Many scholars ascribe these three chapters to AgathodA¦mon, as the descriptive text for his map. As can be seen from these world maps, Ptolemy divided the northern hemisphere into twenty-one parallels, noted, again, in the margin of this maps. To judge, therefore, from the map, Ptolemy discarded both the older Greek belief that the earth was surrounded by water, and Herodotusa€™ description of the Phoeniciana€™s circumnavigation of Africa. And there were no good maps of the East Indian Archipelago until after the Portuguese voyages to the Indies.
This particular error threw the whole Euxine Pontus [Black Sea], whose general form and dimensions were fairly well known, too far north by the same amount, over 100 miles. From the middle of the Garden a spring gushes forth to water the whole grove and, dividing up, it provides the source of four rivers [see #205C and Q]. The northern (left) half of the cross bar represented the river Tanais [Don], and the southern (right) half of the cross bar represented the river Nile. But after Hercules, as the Africans think, perished in Spain, his army, which was composed of various nations, having lost its leader, and many candidates severalty claiming the command of it, was speedily dispersed. Around the circle of the map the cardinal directions are ostentatiously given in Greek and glossed in Latin: for example, Anathole vel oriens vel eoi, in the east.
Like MS 17a€™s image, it gives considerable prominence to the circumambient ocean, as well as to the islands of Britain, Ireland and Thule: its creator seems to have been especially concerned to situate his own region with respect to the extremes of the world, both to the east and to the west.
It should also be noted that a second, incomplete copy of this map is found in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 265, p.
It appears in Bedea€™s commentary on Genesis, and is prominently featured in Byrhtfertha€™s Diagram. 29r) in which only the northern temperate zone -- the oikumene or inhabited world -- is treated like a map, while the remainder of the disk is occupied solely by text. From Paradise the four rivers flow out to give life to the earth and to establish a mysterious yet material connection between paradise and the human realm.
Both the earlier and the later versions display the influence of Ptolemy, and as in the case of Ptolemy, no maps accompany these manuscripts. By adding the word Land between the toponyms, the mapmaker has tried to show that although these towns are widely separated and distant from each other, they constitute a chain of cities along a route that can only be the Silk Road. In the Middle Ages, the designation India was used loosely to refer to the lands east of Persia, Media and the Middle East. Most of the Biblical names found on the Hereford, Lambert, Henry of Mainz, the Psalter, and Ebstorf maps are perhaps, in many cases, borrowed directly from this earlier Anglo-Saxon work. Likewise, Scithia, here positioned east and slightly north of the island containing the scridefinnas (who are also mentioned in the Old English Orosius), might also have a presumed Scandinavian affiliation.
Likewise, in England, the cities of Winchester and London, the twin capitals of the Anglo-Saxon world, hold the same relative position as does Rome and its lesser cities in the shape of Europe.
In the interior the Catalan-Estense map has the land of the King of Melli said, as on the Paris and Florence maps, to be rich in gold, to which the Modena map adds that it is poor in salt, which comes to be worth its weight in gold. So the Pillars of Hercules have slipped down the coast and will eventually disappear completely. The surrounding ocean, the Mar deles indies is filled with numerous nameless and featureless islands.
It is also difficult to imagine that they believed that the laws of God and nature ceased to apply beyond the frontiers of Europe and that it was possible anything was there. Here he explains his belief that the earth is a stationary sphere, at the center of the universe, which revolves about it daily. According to Ptolemy, even Marinus had made mistakes, either because he had consulted a€?too many conflicting volumes, all disagreeing,a€? or because he had never completed the final revision of his map. However, Ptolemy rigorously applies the conical projection only to the northern part of his map of the world. The parallel bounding the southern limit of the habitable world is equidistant from the equator in a southerly direction as the parallel through Meroe is distant in a northerly direction. Yet this Ptolemaic theory was later mysteriously a€?re-interpreteda€? by Martin WaldseemA?ller in 1507 (see monograph #310 in Book IV) and again by Gerard Mercator in 1569 as a belief by Ptolemy in an all encircling great ocean. Yet this Ptolemaic theory was later mysteriously a€?re-interpreteda€? by Martin WaldseemA?ller in 1507 (see monograph #310) and again by Gerard Mercator in 1569 as a belief by Ptolemy in an all encircling great ocean. Approach to this place was barred to man after his sin, for now it is hedged about on all sides by a sword-like flame [romphaea flamma], that is to say that it is surrounded by a wall of fire that reaches almost to the sky. Of its constituent troops the Medes, Persians and Armenians having sailed over Into Africa, occupied the parts nearest to our sea.
A note to one side says, Maior habet in oriente alexandriam pamphiliam, a reference to Asia Major at the top of the map. Kartago Magna, which could be Cartagena in Spain as Cartago appears elsewhere on the map, is another non-biblical site.
It is very close to such contemporary elaborations of the Sallust map as Vatican City, BAV Reg. Insular writers were particularly attracted to this theme, because they associated the conversion of their lands, at the very edge of the known world, with the fulfillment of Christa€™s command to take to Gospel to the ends of the earth. 64, underscores the magnetic attraction of these two ways of listing the inhabitants of the world, and how innovative MS 17 was in fusing them. In his book, Mansel described Paradise as a wonderful region surpassing all other earthly lands, fit for mana€™s initial perfection, surrounded by a wall of fire and situated on an exceptionally high mountain that reached the sphere of the moon.
So here Lands of the Indians most probably refer to the northern and western neighbors of India, such as Persia and its neighboring countries, while Hndkastan denotes India proper. Nearby is the region of containment of the tribes of Gog and Magog, situated near the northern ocean.
Gallia commonly occurs in most other medieval maps of this region, both earlier and later than the Cottoniana map, precisely because of this marginalizing textual tradition. Rome may still dominate the cartography of Europe, but, in the framed world of England, London and Winchester occupy the same space, and suggest a willingness and desire to assume a similar role. Ker dates the manuscript to the first quarter of the 11th century, though he notes that the composition of some of the material (e.g. Therefore, apart from a small portion of the coastline, the map owes nothing to Portuguese exploration.
While his proofs of the sphericity of the earth are still accepted today as valid, Ptolemy rejected the theory of the rotation of the earth about its axis as being absurd. To represent the known parts of the southern hemisphere on the same sheet, he describes an arc of a circle parallel to the equator, and at the same distance to the south of it, as Meroe [MA¦roe] is to the north, and then divides this arc in parts of the same number and size, as on the Parallel of Meroe. That paradox notwithstanding, though, Ptolemya€™s depiction of a southern Afro-Asian continent and a land-locked Indian Ocean provided little comfort during the intervening 1,300 years to those early explorers, and later the Portuguese, in their attempts to find an all water route to India. Englanda€™s geographic position may have made it especially sensitive to this apocalyptic dimension: the second of two notes on chronology in Oxford Bodleian Library Auct. The manuscript is dated to the last quarter of the 11th century, and this addition to the second half of the 12th century but the hand of the map bears an extraordinarily close resemblance to that of Scribe A of MS 17, and the palaeographical indicators point to a date closer to 1100. This fulfillment would be the climax of history, and would usher in the last days; hence the world-maps included in the Apocalypse commentary of Beatus of Liebana were essentially maps illustrating the preaching of the apostles to the gentes descended from Noaha€™s three sons, but expanded to encompass the whole world and the entirety of the world-age (#207). Its presence in the manuscript raises questions about how such an essentially non-Armenian-style map came to be made by an Armenian, and when, considering that this is the only T-O type map bearing Armenian inscriptions known to exist.
The Cottoniana map, however, largely resists such characterization as adversa maximis Europae, choosing both to elide the classical inscriptions of Gaul and Germany, and then to leave the region almost entirely void. As Harris points out, King Alfreda€™s ninth century political victories over Danish enemies in England validate Anglo-Saxon Christendom over pagan beliefs from another edge of the world.
And, finally, it bares some indications of a much later time, the age of the discoveries and the migration of the Northmen in the eighth, ninth, and 10th centuries.A  The correspondences of various names and descriptions in Adam of Bremen afford at least a possibility that the former sometimes drew from the same originals as the great northern annalist, while some of the names in the British Isles, in Gaul [France], and in the Far East and northeast, support the 10th century date, which most scholars are inclined to accept. However, Marinusa€™ treatise on geography, with its maps, should still be ranked among the most important of the lost documents of the ancients, if for no other reason than that it was the foundation upon which Claudius Ptolemy built. The network is then obtained by joining the intersections to corresponding points on the equator. The twenty-one parallels are spaced at equal lineal intervals and each one is designated by (1) the number of equinoctial hours and fractional hours of daylight on the longest day of the year and (2) the number of degrees and minutes of arc north of the equator. In every part of their body they are lions, and in wings and head are like eagles, and they are fierce enemies of horses. The frame of the map, a double circle, was drawn in drypoint, and at the right and left upper corners of the page are two smaller drypoint circles. Indeed, mappaemundi have a pronounced historical dimension: they are found in association with chronicles more frequently than in scientific works, and as illustrations of sacred history, they were infused with an allegorical vision of time.
Similarly, Nicholas Howe chronicles how Anglo-Saxon missionaries journeying a€?backa€™ to Germanic heathendom replicate the pattern of and then supersede Augustinea€™s original mission from Rome to Canterbury.
Maritime exploration had hardly begun to yield fruit while the land explorations of the Poloa€™s and their contemporaries had not yet produced a systematic revision of current ideas. For example, the first parallel of latitude north of the equator was distant from it a€?the fourth part of an houra€? and a€?distant from it geometrically about 4A°15a€™a€?. 82v, a manuscript contemporary with MS 17, adopts a four-ages scheme somewhat like that found in the dating clause on fol.
Hence this world map is a logical addition to a manuscript devoted to the reckoning of time. Edson tentatively suggests a comparison to the maps of the Holy Land created by the Talmudic scholar Rashi to expound the sacred text; however, MS 17a€™s map does not illustrate a text. In both examples, Anglo-Saxon activities work to define new cultural edges in relation to an understood English centre. See Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957), item 193, pp. One other parallel is added south of the equator, identified with the Rhaptum promontory and Cattigara and about 8A° 25a€™ distant from a€?The Linea€?.
3v, but the fourth age, instead of ending in the annus praesens, runs from the Incarnation ad iter ierusalem, as if this event closed the series of years and ushered in the end times. The Cottoniana map operates as a graphic analogue to such literary and conversionary efforts. All of the parallels north of the equator are located theoretically with the exception of three: Meroe, Syene and Rhodes. In fact, the only bodies of water to be named on this map are the rivers Jordan, Euphrates and Tiber. In this respect, MS 17a€™s map is an integral part of a monastic encyclopedia, in which the study of the world and time is itself a serious discipline. The elision of contemporary France may possibly derive from a combination of a Roman source and an understandable emphasis on Scandinavian regions. The first one, Clima I per Meroe, (so called because it passes through Meroe, near modern Shendi, a city of Africa at 17A° N latitude) was established traditionally as 1,000 miles below Alexandria and 300 miles from the torrid zone; it was also known as the royal seat and principal metropolis of Ethiopia [Africa]. The land of Hyrcania, bordering Scythia to the west, has many tribes wandering far afield on account of the unfruitfulness of their lands.
XII): the latter is of exceptional interest in that the map shares the page with a schema of the divisions of philosophy not dissimilar to the one on fol. If the map was drawn around 1050, this elision may also express the negative attitudes towards Normandy developing rapidly among some Anglo-Saxon factions. Even if the absence of France and Normandy is a product of early ninth or 10th century Anglo-Saxon cultural concerns, this omission certainly could have taken on new meaning around 1050. The interpolated Biblical references include the ark of Noah in Armenia, and cities such as Athens and Caesarea that are explicitly connected with the missionary activity of the apostles.



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